Nagaland: Political history
This is a collection of articles archived for the excellence of their content. |
History
1816- 2021 Sept
Pinaki Chakraborty, Sep 30, 2021: The Times of India
Naga insurgency has a long history and has its roots in the deep and unwavering pride that this community has in its unique culture and heritage. The Nagas are not one people; they comprise 16 recognised tribes spread across the northeast of India and large parts of Myanmar. There is little authentic history of the Naga available, probably because the tribes have a strong oral tradition and stories are passed on orally from generation to generation.
“Nagaland has no early written history, although medieval chronicles of the neighbouring Ahom kingdom of Assam tell of the Naga tribes, their economy and their customs. The 1816 invasion of Assam by Burmans from Myanmar led to oppressive Burman rule from 1819 until the establishment of British rule over Assam in 1826. The advent of British administration, which by 1892 encompassed the whole of Naga territory (except the rugged Tuensang area in the northeast), ended the practices of headhunting and intervillage raids and brought relative peace to the region.” That’s from Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Calls for an independent Nagaland
While the British used a strong arm to ensure some semblance of peace, there was always simmering tension in the region, as the Naga people did not consider themselves part of British India or Greater Assam. By 1946, when it was clear that the British would leave the subcontinent, A Z Phizo formed the Naga National Council (NNC), which declared Naga independence on August 14, 1947.
By 1951, the NNC claimed that it had conducted a referendum and that most Nagas supported the idea of an independent Nagaland; the Indian government refused to recognise this plebiscite. Phizo set up the Naga Federal Government and a Naga Federal Army. The Indian government finally intervened and sent in the army to quell what it saw as an insurgency.
All this took place over five years or so, and by 1956, Phizo is said to have disbanded the NNC and sought shelter in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Reports say that Pakistan began funding Naga insurgents, providing them with money and weapons.
According to the Nagaland government website: “Nagaland was just a district in the state of Assam until 1957, known to others as 'The Naga Hills'. The leaders of various Naga tribes, in August 1957, formed the Naga People’s Convention (NPC). In its first session held at Kohima on August 21, 1957, under the presidentship of the late Dr Imkongliba Ao, the NPC proposed the formation of a separate administrative unit by merging the Tuensang division of NEFA with Naga Hills District.
The government of India agreed to the proposal and on December 1, 1957, the new administrative unit known as the Naga Hills and Tuensang Area (NHTA) was inaugurated. In July 1960, a delegation of the NPC met the then prime minister of India, the late Jawaharlal Nehru and a 16-point agreement was arrived at, which inter-alia provided for the formulation of a separate state for the Nagas within the Indian union to be known as 'Nagaland' under the ministry of external affairs with a governor and an administrative secretariat, a council of ministers and legislative assembly. (In 1972, the state was brought under the ministry of home affairs).”
Many years of insurgency
However, not all Nagas agreed with the merging of the state with India. Allegedly funded by Pakistan, the NNC began a series of killings and destruction of public property. The Indian army was kept on its toes, as the Nagas knew their territory far better and could cause more damage.
Sections of the Naga government and the Indian government sporadically tried to broker peace deals. The first breakthrough came in 1975 when a peace accord was signed in Shillong where the NNC decided to give up arms. However, several NNC leaders, including Isak Chishi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and S S Khaplang refused to accept the agreement and broke away to form the National Socialist Council of Nagaland. In 1988, another split ensued with the Khaplang faction breaking away to form the NSCN (K) while Isak and Muivah headed the NSCN (IM).
In 1997, the NSCN (IM ) signed a ceasefire agreement with the government. This happened during the tenure of then Prime Minister I K Gujral. According to the agreement, both sides agreed to suspend counter-insurgency offensive against each other. However, the text of the ceasefire agreement was ambiguous and there was no clarity on whether the agreement would be limited to Nagaland or be extended to Manipur where the armed group was operating in Naga majority areas. Gujral was later forced to clarify on the floor of the Parliament that it was restricted to Nagaland.
Since 1997, there have been over 100 rounds of talks between both sides. Many interlocutors were appointed to bring peace, but little headway has been made on the issue. The NSCN (IM) has been steadfast in its demand for, among other things, a separate Naga flag and constitution, both of which are sticking points for India as they do not fit into the country’s federal structure.
In 2015, the Centre signed a framework agreement with the NSCN (IM). Prime Minister Narendra Modi described it as a “historic agreement” towards settling the “oldest insurgency” in India. This set the stage for the ongoing peace talks. In 2017, six other Naga armed outfits under the banner of the Naga National Political Groups (NNPGs) joined the talks. Where are the talks now?
The 2015 framework agreement set October 31, 2019 as the date for both sides to successfully conclude the talks. However, no final accord has been signed till date.
The main problem is that neither side — NSCN (IM) and the Indian government — seems prepared to give a little to get a little. The NNPGs came together in an attempt to break this impasse, and the then interlocutor for the Indian government, RN Ravi welcomed the formation of this group. Soon after it was formed in 2017, Ravi signed an agreement with the NNPGs. This did not go down well with the NSCN (IM), which considers itself the principal representative of Naga aspirations. Also, the seven groups that formed the NNPGs see themselves as rivals to the NSCN(IM).
A senior functionary of the NSCN (IM) told TOI+ that bringing so many new groups on the table was a way for the Indian government to weaken the IM and bring in disparate elements who had no stake in the outcome. The Indian government, however, saw this as a means of broadening the ambit of talks and bringing other stakeholders into the fold. Many in the establishment felt that it was pointless to work only with IM, and that there are others who can represent Naga society. As the functionary of the NSCN said, Ravi was not working alone. He had the blessings of the Centre and the idea of bringing more people on the table could not have been his alone.
Media reports quoted Ravi many times as saying “I have a job to do” and that is exactly what he did. He hastened the pace of talks since taking on the role of interlocutor.
Ravi during his term had accused the NSCN (IM) of trying to delay the settlement, something that did not go down well with the group. The group accused Ravi of trying to misrepresent facts. They added that the flag and the constitution were vital demands and any further talks would have to take them into account. This demand was rejected by Ravi who said that any demand to divide the nation would not be tolerated and an agreement would be signed with others if NSCN (IM) did not participate.
A senior government official at the Centre who has been posted in Nagaland and wants to remain anonymous said that now at least we know where both the sides stand on issues of separate constitution and flag. There is clarity which has been missing for ages.
In a letter to Nagaland chief minister, Neiphiu Rio, Ravi termed the NSCN (IM) as an “armed gang”, and accused it of running a “parallel government” and engaging in extortion. This statement did not go down well with the state government and the IM. It is probably the worst kept secret in the region that the group carried out extortion in the state and that it does run what many see as a parallel government.
Ravi’s letter was the last straw for the NSCN (IM), which claimed to have lost trust in the talks and refused to deal with Ravi. The pandemic created a temporary break, but talks have now resumed. Ravi has resigned (and has since been made governor of Tamil Nadu). The centre has appointed former IB minister AK Mishra to replace Ravi. According to BJP leader and Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, the NSCN (IM) has agreed to resume peace talks with the Centre’s new interlocutor.
There has also been an important political development in the state, where all parties have come together to create what is being called an opposition-less government. Here’s what the chief minister had to say about this:
It is believed that this development will give the state a stronger hand when dealing with the centre on the peace accords.
The sticking points
The question of a greater Nagalim (A Naga state across boundaries of the present Nagaland) and a flag is something that has not been agreed upon.
A government official who knows the ins and outs of the peace talks remarked that the talks would progress better if both sides sat down and talked frankly without keeping their cards close to the chest; talks over flag and constitution were minor hiccups, he added.
The other factor, that one of the senior IM functionaries told TOI+, was that if Muivah, who has led the movement for decades, gave in to Centre’s demand of no separate flag and constitution, he would lose his standing in the community. What is at stake here is his honour, the functionary added.
Also the NSCN (IM) is mainly dominated by Tangkhul Nagas of Ukhrul, Manipur, (to which Muivah belongs) and the Sema tribe (from which Isak hailed) of Nagaland. Both these tribes would not be very keen to be seen as backing down to the Centre after the government had already signed an agreement with the Naga National Political Group.
1962-63> 1964: the first Assembly election
Jayanta Kalita, February 25, 2023: The Times of India
Nagaland, which goes to polls on February 27, was carved out of Assam in the 1960s. The history of the first assembly election in this tribal state is replete with interesting facts and fascinating anecdotes.
The erstwhile Naga Hills was a district of Assam with just three assembly seats. It became a separate state on December 1, 1963, with the enactment of the State of Nagaland Act, 1962, by Parliament. It was P Shilu Ao, a bureaucrat-turned-politician, who played a key role in persuading the Centre to accord statehood on Nagaland.
Those were turbulent times as the Naga National Council (NNC) led by A Z Phizo just started a separatist movement calling for Naga independence. NNC is the parent organisation of various Naga rebel factions, including the NSCN (I-M), which is currently engaged in a peace process with the Government of India.
Nagaland, which goes to polls on February 27, was carved out of Assam in the 1960s. The history of the first assembly election in this tribal state is replete with interesting facts and fascinating anecdotes.
The erstwhile Naga Hills was a district of Assam with just three assembly seats. It became a separate state on December 1, 1963, with the enactment of the State of Nagaland Act, 1962, by Parliament. It was P Shilu Ao, a bureaucrat-turned-politician, who played a key role in persuading the Centre to accord statehood on Nagaland.
Those were turbulent times as the Naga National Council (NNC) led by A Z Phizo just started a separatist movement calling for Naga independence. NNC is the parent organisation of various Naga rebel factions, including the NSCN (I-M), which is currently engaged in a peace process with the Government of India.
The first-ever election to elect 40 members was a long-drawn process probably due to poor infrastructure and connectivity issues in the state. The polling was spread over seven days starting from January 10 to January 21, 1964. The counting of votes was taken up from January 17 to 19 and a Gazette notification of the results was issued on January 31. The first legislative assembly was formed on February 11, 1964.
The total number valid votes was 62,175 out of 62,720 polled in the first election. The state recorded 76.57 percent of polling. P Shilu Ao, who was elected from Impur assembly constituency, became the first chief minister of the state. Ao and five other ministers were sworn in by then governor Vishnu Sahay.
The state election office also documented what it called some “interesting incidents” related to the first election:
Just before the notification for election on December 9, 1963, a candidate enquired whether a person with two wives would be eligible for election.
After submission of the account of election expenses, some candidates approached the returning officers and chief electoral officer to ascertain the date by which their poll expenses would be reimbursed.
On the polling day, the presiding officer of a booth saw an elderly person trying to open the ballot box, but in vain, by holding it in between his knees. He apparently did so to insert the ballot paper. Needless to say, many people in remote areas of the state were not accustomed to the election process in those times.
In the Northern Angami (I) constituency, Z Vikrulie, a candidate whose symbol was mithun, canvassed with a black bull with ‘Vote for Vikrulie’ inscribed on its body. The bull was later seen roaming around Kohima town.
Naga peace accords: 1975-2015
The Times of India, Aug 06 2015
Siddhartha Sarma
From Shillong to Delhi, Muivah came full circle as he signed Naga peace accord
Landmarks in Naga political history are measured not so much by the official record as by the personal reactions of leaders of men. In No of leaders of men. In November 1975, when the Shillong Accord was signed between the Indian government and the rebel leadership, Thuingaleng Muivah, then 41, and Isak Chisi Swu, 45, were on their way home with a fresh batch of trained cadre from southern China, and heard the news somewhere in the forbidding terrain that marks the border between Kachin and Konyak Naga lands in northwestern Myanmar. In later years, in private conversation, both leaders would mention how livid they were at what they saw as a fatal weakness in the rebel leadership: an acceptance of the Indian Constitution, for one, and a separate agreement on Naga claims in Manipur.
Muivah and Swu, and their other comrade-in-arms, S S Khaplang, never forgave Angami Zapu Phizo, the father of the Naga movement, for the Shillong Accord. The Indian state, never a likeable player when dealing with its “misguided children“ in the best of times, has seldom been as reliant on brute force as it was in the winter of 1975, during the Emergency .
But the Shillong Accord paved the way for a fracturing of the Naga leader ship, and those who opposed peace were the hardest of hardliners. Five years later, Muivah, Swu and Khaplang formed the NSCN. In 1988, they split further and Khaplang went his own way , swearing never to weaken as Phizo allegedly had. The Shillong Accord was inked at a time when the Naga leadership was united and had unrivalled control over the hearts of its people. That is no longer the case today. Phizo is long dead, and his organisation, the Naga National Council (NNC), a shadow of what it once was. The hohos, councils of elders, are a house divided. The two NSCNs have to deal with their own wayward flock, and not a single one of them can command the respect that Phizo did in the 1950s and 60s.
History , therefore, came full circle for Muivah in August 2015 as he stood next to the prime minister and said that the Nagas would prove to be, in his words “trustworthy“. Any claims that the deal would end violence in Nagaland are inaccurate the treaty does not cover the violent internal discord between Naga factions in the past 27 years.
The attack on the Indian army was not by Muivah's faction, but by Khaplang's, and that gentleman is based in Myanmar. The source of his power extends across the border to Indian Konyak Nagas, particularly in Nagaland's Mon district. Khaplang abrogated his group's ceasefire with the Indian government earlier in 2015 and has thrown his lot in with the United Liberation Front of Western Southeast Asia (UNLFWSEA).It is unlikely that this new umbrella group will be kindly disposed to Muivah's new deal, nor will it stay any operations it undertakes, whether in Indian territory or in Myanmar.
BJP in Nagaland’s politics, elections
1987- Feb 2018
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From: Prabin Kalita, BJP every neta’s friend in fight between Naga heavyweights, February 26, 2018: The Times of India
Personalities rather than political parties or ideologies have dominated elections in Christian-majority Nagaland. This election may be no different.
Take for instance the ruling Naga People’s Front (NPF), which has long been associated with the BJP. Yet this time, it is not NPF, but its offshoot and main challenger — the National Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) — that is fighting the election in collaboration with BJP, otherwise seen mainly as a promoter of Hindutva ideology.
The two powerful regional parties even chose not to support the Church openly last week when it warned Naga voters of an ‘invasion’ by Hindutva forces in the state.
Defending BJP, its timetested ally, NDPP president Neiphiu Rio said, “My party has aligned with BJP to protect Christianity.”
In no time, NPF chief minister TR Zeliang expressed his readiness to forgive BJP, which dumped NPF for NDPP immediately after poll dates were announced. He said, “NPF has kept its doors open for a tie-up with BJP.” Ironically, NPF has decided in principle to snap its ties with BJP in Manipur and pull out of the ruling alliance there. Zeliang also reminded all that despite its partnership with NDPP, BJP has not withdrawn its ministers from the Nagaland government.
For over a decade, NPF —first under Rio and then Zeliang as CM —has been at the helm in Nagaland alongwith BJP, and is an NDA ally at the Centre. A month ago, Rio surprised everyone by joining NDPP, a party he had floated recently.
After some dilly-dallying, BJP opted for NDPP as an ally in the assembly election on February 27.
BJP stands to benefit from the state’s tradition of paying more attention to individual candidates. If its national mascot is PM Modi, it seems ready to acknowledge Rio as one of Nagaland’s strongest leaders.
BJP projects Modi as the only person who can help resolve the decades-old Naga problem. State BJP president Visasolie Lhoungu says, “For the first time, the Church spoke against BJP, which proves we are no longer a non-entity but a force to reckon with.”
Explaining why it did not ally with NPF, Lhoungu says “BJP didn’t want to play second fiddle” and NPF wasn’t “ready for us to be an equal partner.”
Of the 60 assembly seats, BJP will contest on 20, NDPP in the remaining 40.
BJP first contested the assembly election here in 1987. Its maiden success came in 2003 when it won seven seats and joined the Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN), comprising NPF and JD(U). DAN is currently Nagaland’s ruling alliance. “We are popular because of Modi’s image. People here don’t look at BJP on religious lines,” says Lhoungu. Modi is at the forefront of BJP’s campaign; the PM held a rally on February 22 in Tuensang.
Congress’s dwindling influence has also bolstered the saffrons — the Grand Old Party has been able to put up candidates only in 18 seats. To win over the electorate, 88% of whom are Christians, the Congress manifesto offered subsidised pilgrimage to Jerusalem for the state’s Christians. In tandem, BJP announced free trips to Jerusalem for 50 senior citizens every year if it comes to power.
NDPP back BJP’s pro-development stand with the slogan “Together we will bring change.” Rio, CM candidate of the BJP-NDPP alliance who has already won his seat unopposed, says, “BJP is not a party with a religious ideology.”
What NDPP and BJP may use as their trump card is the Centre’s involvement in finding a solution to the Nagalim question. “A solution to the Naga crisis can be found only at the highest level. Every Naga must understand that it can happen only under Modi’s leadership. The PM has taken the matter seriously,” says Lhoungu, adding, “If we come to power, we’ll help implement any Accord between the Nagas and the Centre.”
No matter what their leadership say about reviving the alliance with BJP, many in NPF feel that the statement of the Church on Hindutva forces may help their party in the long run. “The Church has made our job easier. We don’t have to educate the people about BJP,” says NPF secretary Sebastian Zumvu. Describing the Church’s stand as ‘unfortunate’, Lhoungu says, “We don’t want to revolt against the Church. We want to ask the Church why it was quiet all these years when BJP was growing by the day.”
Dog meat
2023: HC quashes ban on dog meat trade
Mukut Das, June 7, 2023: The Times of India
Guwahati : The Gauhati HC’s Kohima bench has quashed a Nagaland government ban on commercial import, trading of dogs and sale of dog meat in markets and dine-in restaurants, saying it “appears an accepted norm and food among people of Nagaland, even in modern times”.
The HC had earlier stayed the ban in November 2020 after three such traders licensed under the Kohima Municipal Council challenged the July 2020 curbs.
While emphasising dog meat as “acceptable food among the Nagas”, Justice Marli Vankung pointed out in her June 2 order that the “petitioners (the traders) are also able to earn their livelihood”. Justice Vankung noted that “canines and dogs have not been mentioned” under the definition of “animals” in theFood Safety and Standards (Food Products Standards and Food Additives) Regulation of 2011. The judge pointed out that such exclusion was “not surprising” as the “very idea of consuming dog meat is alien” to the country, barring some parts of the North-east.
“Dog meat is not considered the standard of food for human consumption and excluded in the definition of animals safe for human consumption. The thought of adding canine/dogs as an animal for human consumption under regulation 2. 5. 1(a) would beinconceivable, since consumption of dog meat would be considered unthinkable,” the HC said.
The HC said it does not find any grounds “not to accept” the account of dog meat being consumed by different tribes in Nagaland and “a belief” that it also has “medicinal value”. The prohibition was clamped through an order issued by the Nagaland chief secretary. Justice Vankung held that “the chief secretary was not the appropriate authority to do so when the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006 provides for appointment of a commissioner in a state for efficient implementation of the law.
According to the HC, such a ban by the executive, in the absence of any law on trade and consumption of dog meat, is liable to be set aside, even though the order itself was said to have been issued in accordance with a cabinet nod.
Inner Line Permit (ILP)
2019/ Dimapur brought under ILP regime
The Nagaland government has extended the Inner Line Permit (ILP) regime to the Dimapur district, according to an official notification.
Dimapur, the commercial hub of the state, was the only district that was not under the ILP regime unlike the rest of Nagaland, which came into being in 1963.
Issues
Dog meat: ban on sale
2020
Nagas are fighting a dogged battle on two fronts ever since the state government on July 4 issued a notification banning the trade and sale of dog meat in the state. On the one hand, some are taking on the ban, which they see as an imposition on dietary habits and invasion of their kitchens. And on the other, there are those who are running a relentless social media campaign to convince the world that they are dog lovers, trying to correct the distorted image painted by overzealous activists in the run-up to getting the state government introduce the ban.
Theja Therieh, an executive member of Nagaland Tribes Council, questioned the need for such a hurried decision. "What was the need for such haste? The government has every right to prevent cruelty but why wasn’t the issue taken to the assembly and debated?” Therieh said dog meat is a natural food not only in Nagaland, but in several parts of northeast India. “Anything that is imposed on the Nagas, be it political or social, will never be accepted by the people,” he added. Chief secretary of Nagaland Temjen Toy told TOI the ban is just on trade and sale of dog meat, and not on its consumption. “Cruelty was involved in the trade of dogs and it needed to be stopped. There was nothing to be debated,” says Toy. “Traditionally, dog meat was never sold in markets of Nagaland,” he added. However, there were many who refused to buy Toy’s logic. “This is nothing but semantics. Banning dog meat trade amounts to regulating consumption,” said Kahuto Chishi, convenor of Concerned People of Nagaland and village head of Hebishe in Dimapur. Advocate Sira Kharay too believed the state was trying to impose a ban on consumption, albeit indirectly.
Irrespective of whether one consumes dog meat or not, the ban has united Nagas, over the perceived attack on dietary habits. On social media, #Naga-LivesMatter and #NagaRightsMatter have been trending. Legal experts believe the ban to be unconstitutional and arbitrary. “If sale of dog meat is an act of cruelty, then how do they justify the sale of other meats,” said advocate Kharay. “This is absolute legal stupidity to please a political master at the cost of own identity. Meat of any carcass, unless it is of a wildlife, cannot be banned,” he said. Kharay saw the notification as “a racist law that considers dog meat eating as ‘unclean’," and terms it “legal untouchability”.
What also seems flimsy are food regulator Food Safety and Standards Authority of India's (FSSAI) recommendations quoted in the notification to impose the ban. Sira said the notification cannot stand legal scrutiny. “The Food Safety & Standards Act, 2006, has nothing to do with either banning or legalising of any meat. It only regulates the standard of food and their manufacture, storage, distribution, sale and import,” he said.
The social media campaign and the government order has also come in for criticism as an attempt to "civilise" the tribal people of Nagaland. “There is a long history of Naga communities having been the recipients and being victims of a standard civilizational narrative that presented them as ‘barbarian’, ‘primitive’, ‘savage',” said Jelle JP Wouters, a social anthropologist and the author of ‘In the Shadows of Naga Insurgency: Tribes, State and Violence in Northeast India’. “The current emphasis on their supposedly ‘wild’ eating habits represents yet another reincarnation of such an ill-fated civilisational discourse.”
Dog meat has been consumed for hundreds of years and several tribes believe it contains medicinal properties. Dogs are integral to Nagas in more ways than in most societies. Many also see a political undertone in the ban in a Christian-majority state where BJP is a partner in the governing coalition. Some are criticising it as an affront to the pluralistic values of the country.
Then there is the battle of perceptions. BJP MP Maneka Gandhi’s People For Animals played a vital role in getting the ban imposed by seeking 50,000 personalised emails directed at the chief secretary and tweeting a photo of dogs being gagged and tied in sacks at a market in Nagaland. More than 125,000 ended up writing to the Nagaland government. A part of the caption read: “All the dogs are now being brought in from outside the state as Nagaland has eaten all its own dogs.” In March, Mizoram assembly passed the Animal Slaughter Bill, 2020, to end the trade of dog meat by amending an earlier law to remove dogs from the list of animals suited for slaughter.
Manipur: relations with
2017: 1st Nagaland CM to visit Imphal
K Sarojkumar Sharma, In a 1st, Nagaland CM visits Imphal, May 10, 2017: The Times of India
Nagaland chief minister and Naga People's Front (NPF) supremo Shurhozelie Liezietsu paid a courtesy call to his Manipuri counterpart Nongthombam Biren Singh, and called for peaceful co-existence, putting behind the protracted strained relations between the two neighbouring states.This is the first time that a Nagaland chief minister has come to Imphal to discuss bilateral issues. Shurhozelie's NPF is a coalition partner in the Biren Singh-led government in Manipur.
Stating that peaceful co-existence among different ethnic groups would bring about development in the region, Liezietsu underscored the need to live together as good neighbours, according to tradition that has existed since time immemorial. He also said that the Meiteis should play a leading role in fostering peace and friendship among the different ethnic communities in the region.
“Now people have seen hope. We have seen some of our leaders in the past who had exploited the situation for their selfish ends and created bad feelings among different communities,“ said the Nagaland CM at a media conference, after meeting Biren Singh.
“But now with the change here in Manipur, we believe the era is already over, not only in Nagaland and Manipur, but the whole Northeast. We should have that understanding because our needs are almost the same in every way ,“ he said. “We must now realize that when we have peace we can bring about development, but when there is no peace, as we have seen in the past, there is no development,“ he added.
NSCN
2018: India, Myanmar engineer NSCN(K) split
Prabin Kalita, India, Myanmar pull off NSCN(K) split, October 3, 2018: The Times of India
Armed with peace deals, India and Myanmar have engineered a surgical split in Myanmar-based NSCN (K) — one faction comprising Indian Nagas, the other with Myanmarese Nagas.
This is the third time India has pulled off such a split in radical outfits. The joint bloodless strike came just over a year after Khaplang’s death in June last 2017 and appointment of Indian-origin Khango Konyak as his successor.
India held back announcement of the peace solution with seven Naga groups — including NSCN (IM) — to give Myanmar time to play its part and step up military pressure on NSCN (K) in Sagaing region, say sources. It did so only after a declaration in Naypyidaw in July that the outfit will not be allowed to sign the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) until it drops the demand for an independent Naga homeland.
“The NSCN(K)’s demand involved interests of two neighbouring countries. There could not have been peace agreements with both. Either they had to stick to Myanmar or Indian territory,” a source said, adding: “The day Konyak became chairman, New Delhi knew it had the best possible chance to convince an Indian-origin leader for peace talks.”
Last month, the Myanmar faction, led by Khaplang’s nephew Yung Aung, ‘impeached’ Konyak and sent him and his Indian team packing from the Taga base. This group gave its nod to the ceasefire agreement in Naypyidaw. The Konyak faction, on arriving in Nagaland, claimed they were the real deal and sent feelers on the peace process. The Aung faction claimed they were the real NSCN (K) and ‘sacked’ Konyak and his men.
National Socialist Council of Nagaland, Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM)
Prabin Kalita, NSCN agrees to `shared sovereignty' , May 10, 2017: The Times of India
Separate Flag, Constitution For Nagaland?
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland, Isak-Muivah (NSCN-IM), after 37 years of armed struggle and 20 years of negotiations, has finally settled for `co-existing together with shared sovereignty' -a new experiment that a federal India with strong unitary features will embark on with the signing of a peace agreement soon.
In a statement, a spokesperson of NSCN (I-M) said, “As of now, the Nagas have agreed to co-exist together under shared sovereignty . The ongoing Indo-Naga political talks are progressing smoothly. The framework agreement, which will ensure peaceful coexistence between the Nagas and India with shared sovereignty , will surely usher in peace and a brighter political era for the Nagas.“ In August, 2015, the NSCN (I-M) and the Centre signed a `framework agreement' in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi for a final settlement. Though the exact meaning of shared sovereignty hasn't been divulged yet, sources hinted at the possibility of Nagas getting a separate constitution, flag, parliament and judiciary .
The spokesperson added that the government, in the `framework agreement' has recognized the Nagas' sove reignty and has also accepted that the Nagas are unique people with a separate entity and sovereign rights. “India has recognized the uniqueness of Naga history and culture. The Nagas were independent before the arrival of the British. Only a part of Nagalim was conquered by the British. There is no merger agreement between the Nagas and India. India invaded Nagalim and set up arbitrary boundaries “ the spokesperson further said.
Opposition parties
2021, 2023: there were no opposition parties
Prabin Kalita, March 10, 2023: The Times of India
Guwahati : There will be no opposition in the Nagaland assembly for a second time as all political parties have offered their support to CM Neiphiu Rio, but it’s not clear whether they will be included in the government or considered “outside support” until a decision by the NDPPBJP alliance, according to Nagaland deputy CM YPatton of BJP.
Nagaland was “opposition-less” in 2021 too and was governed by an all-party government after renaming the People’s Democratic Alliance government of NDPP-BJP as the United Democratic Alliance (UDA). The sole party in the opposition then — NPF with 26 MLAs — joined the government along with an independent. The state took the same path after the February 27 polls, with NDPP-BJP winning 37 seats in the 60-member assembly. “Since the MLAs of most parties have submitted their letters of support to the government, who knowswhen we will have an opposition-less government. When the elected members give outside support, we will have to discuss and only after discussion will we take a decision. At present, we are comfortable with 37 seats,” Patton said.
As many as eight parties, four of them from outside the Northeast, have won in the just-concluded polls. Sharad Pawar’s NCP, which is the third largest party with seven MLAs after BJP’s 20, has extended support to the Rio government. So have NPP with three MLAs, and Lok Janshakti Party-Ram Vilas and Ramdas Athawale-led Republican Party of India, with two each, which are with NDA. The lone JD(U) MLA has also backed the government.
Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma said all parties in the Northeast will eventually have to support the “country’s tallest leader” PM Narendra Modi. Sarma, however, declined comments when asked if Nitish Kumar will re-return to the NDA.
Peace efforts
PM HD Deve Gowda/ February, 1997
Sugata Srinivasaraju, Dec 9, 2021: The Times of India
The peacemaker
The 1997 ceasefire agreement was inked in July that year and came to effect from August 1. However, it had been negotiated earlier by prime minister HD Deve Gowda in February, 1997. He had followed up on a promise he had made in October 1996, at a press conference in Guwahati, after his six-day stay in the Northeast — a first by an Indian prime minister.
The manner in which Gowda had gone about negotiating the ceasefire had demonstrated how intent and sincerity played a major role in achieving positive outcomes. In February 1997, just before reaching the World Economic Summit, Gowda had met Naga separatist leaders Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah of the NSCN (IM) in the Swiss city of Zurich, 148 km from Davos. It was a top-secret meeting.
Gowda was not the first prime minister to meet Muivah and Swu after they had escaped to Thailand in the early 1990s.
PV Narasimha Rao, another prime minister from south India, met them first in Paris on June 15, 1995, and his cabinet colleague Rajesh Pilot had followed up this meeting in Thailand. Although constructive, these meetings had not produced a definite outcome, and that is where Gowda’s Zurich meeting became important. The Zurich meeting was arranged by Satish Chandran, Gowda’s principal secretary, and the two had travelled incognito (Gowda had covered his head with a shawl) in a private vehicle, to a house in which the two Naga leaders were waiting.
The meeting went on for over two hours. Gowda, as a negotiating strategy perhaps, told the Naga leaders that he will not leave the room until he had something substantial to take back. At the end, they had agreed for a ceasefire. Gowda told me when I interviewed him for his biography:
“I was frank with them, and they seemed to like it. I said I will do everything in my power to help the Naga people. I also made it clear that I had no mandate to operate outside the Indian Constitution. We went through a lot of arguments back and forth. The fact that they agreed to give peace a chance was a positive step forward to a problem that had plagued us for decades. I did not go to that meeting thinking that I will arrive at a final agreement. I had told Chandran that I sincerely want to engage and talk with the Naga leaders and leave the rest to God.”
The ceasefire that Gowda negotiated held good till March 2015 when NSCN (K) broke the agreement and killed 18 Army personnel in an ambush in Manipur. NSCN (K) had signed a separate ceasefire agreement in 2001. The government immediately declared NSCN (K) faction a terrorist organisation under Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, but continued to talk to NSCN (IM).
In August 2015, the Narendra Modi government signed a framework agreement with the NSCN (IM). Before this agreement was signed, Gowda was consulted. The draft was shown too, but he did not reveal the suggestions he had offered. However, Gowda publicly hailed the signing of the agreement as a major achievement:
“This peace accord with Naga insurgent groups is one of the major decisions to bring peace in the north-eastern states in general, particularly Nagaland.” Later, in July 2018, a parliamentary standing committee report quoted RN Ravi, the interlocutor for the Naga talks. It said that the agreement was a departure from the earlier position of ‘with India, not within India’, and that the government had called it a framework agreement and signed it.
The great divide
In August 2020, a delicate situation arose in the Naga peace talks when the NSCN (IM) demanded the removal of RN Ravi, the Indian government’s interlocutor and co-author of the 2015 framework agreement. Ravi was also the governor of Nagaland and has now been shifted to the Raj Bhavan in Tamil Nadu. They accused him of having created an ‘imbroglio’ in the talks. They also alleged that he had made a ‘mockery’ of the framework agreement.
Ravi and NSCN (IM) had exchanged harsh words in Nagaland for a few months before this impasse was created. The Nagas had gone back to saying that they will ‘co-exist with India’ but will not merge with India. They also said that they cannot give up the Naga flag and constitution.
At this point, Gowda issued a statement, which demonstrated how deeply invested he was in the Northeast and the Naga peace process two decades after stepping down as prime minister:
“Newspaper reports indicate that the Union government’s negotiations with NSCN (IM) to resolve the Naga problem have run into rough weather. From recent statements made by those involved in the negotiations, it is apparent that distrust has crept in. The Naga ceasefire agreement in 1997, which followed my meeting with Mr Isak Chishi Swu and Mr Thuingaleng Muivah in Zurich, in February 1997, was a result of constructive diplomacy. We should ensure that the progress made in the last 23 years by successive governments is not forsaken now. There is the Constitution and also the 2015 framework agreement, which should help us move towards a solution. I sincerely hope that distrust is put aside, talks continue, and a peace accord is reached at the earliest. The people of the North-east deserve to live in harmony and witness economic progress.”
Naga Hoho, the apex tribal body of the Nagas, immediately welcomed Gowda’s statement:
“The Naga Hoho appreciates the wisdom and understanding of one of our former prime ministers, HD Deve Gowda, in his recent appeal, asking all parties concerned to put aside distrust and reach a settlement at the earliest. It was, in fact, the magnanimity of Deve Gowda in reaching out to the Naga leaders in Zurich, Switzerland in February 1997, which changed the course of the Naga struggle from war to path of peace.” Naga Hoho president, HK Zhimomi, and general secretary, K Elu Ndang, had signed the statement.
They also said Gowda’s perseverance towards solving the Indo-Naga problem had assured once again that their problem was ‘political and not law and order’. That was a tangential reference to RN Ravi’s categorisation of their struggle. They said Gowda gave hope to the Nagas and a reason to believe their years of struggle would not end in vain. One wonders now as to what would happen to the Naga peace talks, where a stalemate had already threatened to settle down. The killings are bound to affect the emphasis and trajectory of the talks. Gowda may be of some help to Modi.
Sugata Srinivasaraju chronicles the South
33% reservation for women in urban local bodies (ULBs)
Major agitation in 2017
Xavier Rutsa, Nagaland bows to vandals, declares polls null & void Feb 04 2017 : The Times of India
Nagaland was on the boil ever since the T R Zeliang government decided to implement 33% reservation for women in urban local bodies (ULBs). Elections to 10 town councils, which were held on Wednesday 1 Feb 2017 despite opposition from all 15 Naga tribes, were 2 days later declared null and void in view of the prevailing situation.
On Thursday 2 Feb night, protesters torched buildings housing at least 20 government offices and the Kohima Press Club. The offices of the Kohima district collector and Nagaland commissioner were also stoned. The ruling Naga People's Front (NPF) office was also reportedly vandali sed and set on fire.
Tension prevailed in Kohima on Friday 3 Feb, a day after protesters set ablaze many government buildings and vehicles to oppose quota for women in the ULB polls. Bodies of two agitators who were killed in Dimapur police firing were laid to rest as thousands of mourners gathered in the state capital to pay their last respects.
An indefinite bandh called by the Angami Youth Organisation (AYO) was enforced by it in Kohima and Dimapur.
Kohima deputy commissioner and district magistrate Rajesh Soudararajan imposed Section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code in four areas, including the Raj Bhavan, following the violence.
Nagaland governor P B Acharya arrived at Raj Bhavan from Itanagar on Friday 3 Feb and met members of the newly formed Nagaland Tribes Action Committee (NTAC), which comprised representatives of all apex Naga tribes.NTAC reiterated its demands before the governor, which include resignation of the CM and his cabinet and suspen sion of police personnel involved in the firing on Tuesday and Wednesday . NTAC convener K T Velie said the governor promised he would take action as per the Constitution.
Mobile data, SMS and internet services were snapped across Nagaland for at least five days. The state government had cut off these services on Monday 20 Jan to avoid spreading of rumours in view of the protests.
Women MLAs
2018: Naga women fail to break 54-yr jinx
March 4, 2018: The Times of India
Nagaland’s 54-year wait for a woman MLA continues despite seeing the largest number of women candidates — that too just five — in the fray. NDPP’s Awan Konyak briefly looked like she would make history as she took the lead in Aboi. But the 39-yearold daughter of a former state minister lost by 905 votes. The state, which has more women voters than male electors, has never had a woman MLA and just one woman MP — Rano M Shaiza in 1977.
The position in 2022 Dec
Graphic courtesy: [ The Times of India]
Nagaland has not elected a single woman MLA since it got statehood in 1963.
Nagaland has not elected any women legislators to the 60-member House since it got statehood in 1963.
[2022], S Phangnon Konyak (Rajya Sabha member) made history when she became the first woman Member of Parliament (MP) from this northeastern state in more than four decades.
Konyak is the second MP after Rano M Shaiza, who was elected from the state to the Lok Sabha in 1977. Nagaland sends one representative to the lower house of Parliament.
In its manifesto for the February 27 2023 assembly
elections, the Rio-led Nationalist Democratic
Progressive Party (NDPP) stressed gender equality as
a key issue. The ruling party, which is contesting in 40
seats, has fielded two women candidates — in
Western Angami and Dimapur-III constituencies.
Altogether four women candidates filed
nominations for this assembly election compared to
184 men, which shows a dismal gender ratio of 2.2%
female as against 97.8% male.
2023 Besides the two NDPP nominees, the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) put up one woman candidate each in Tenning and Atoizu constituencies, respectively.
In 2018, five women were in the fray, but none of them won.
A contentious issue
Women's representation in politics has been a contentious issue in Nagaland, a tribal state which is otherwise perceived as gender inclusive. In February 2017, the state had witnessed violent protests over 33% reservation for women in urban local bodies as mandated by Article 243(T) of the Constitution. The Naga Hoho, the apex tribal body of the state, and other outfits opposed women’s reservation, arguing this would violate Naga customary laws. Article 371(A) of the Indian Constitution protects Naga customary laws and procedures.
While all the stakeholders in Nagaland finally agreed to conduct urban body polls with the 33% reservation for women, the larger issue of customary laws is still seen as a major impediment despite a marked progress in education and awareness among women. Women candidates in assembly polls in Nagaland
A peculiar trend
Interestingly, women voters tend to vote more than their male counterparts, according to an analysis of Election Commission’s data from 1969 to 2013. In eight out of the 10 assembly elections, women voters outnumbered the men, showed a study [1] by Moamenla Amer, professor, department of political science, Nagaland University.
2017
Naga Power Play
Kaushik Deka , Naga Power Play “India Today” 6/3/2017
,with_senior_members_of_the_NPF_.jpg)
Shurhozelie Neiphiu Rio, former Nagaland chief minister and sole Lok Sabha member from the Naga People's Front (NPF), had a dream. He wanted to be CM again.
He had already served three consecutive terms, quitting in 2014 because he thought he had a shot at becoming a cabinet minister. At the time, NPF leader T.R. Zeliang had eagerly stepped in to fill the vacated post. But though Rio was elected to Parliament, he was overlooked for a cabinet post.
With Zeliang forced to resign in February this year-after Nagaland was riven by protests against his decision to implement 33 per cent reservations for women in civic elections-Rio became the obvious favourite.
But in a byzantine turn of events, NPF president Shurhozelie Liezietsu was sworn in as Nagaland's 11th chief minister on February 22 instead, highlighting the BJP's role as kingmaker in the state.
The story goes back to at least last year. In May 2016, Rio was suspended from the NPF for 'anti-party activities'; specifically, scheming to become chief minister again, at the expense of Zeliang.
That was a significant setback, but when the Nagaland Tribes Action Committee (NTAC) and Joint Coordination Committee shut down the entire state before the February 1 urban local bodies polls, Rio knew he had his chance. The NTAC announced that it would not relent until Zeliang stepped down; it was probably not a coincidence that a key member of the group was closely associated with Rio.
That was when the BJP intervened. Though it has only four legislators in the opposition-less Democratic Alliance of Nagaland (DAN) coalition government-the NPF is the major constituent with 48 legislators-it wields considerable influence.
On February 17, under pressure from NTAC, 39 NPF MLAs had asked Zeliang to step down. He flew to Delhi and had a closed-door meeting with BJP national general secretary Ram Madhav. The BJP had to be careful not to alienate Rio given his rapport with National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) leaders.
And so, Madhav arranged a meeting between Rio and Zeliang, and a deal was struck, in which Zeliang would become finance minister in a new Rio government.
However, the deal fell through. The NSCN (I-M)'s economic blockade of Manipur had become an insupportable problem for the BJP's brass, hurting the party's chances in state elections beginning March 4.
And in the end, it was Rio's earlier suspension that settled matters. Enter Liezietsu, with a rather unceremonious exit for Rio.
Zeliang challenges Liezietsu
Prabin Kalita|HC stays Nagaland guv floor test order|Jul 15 2017 : The Times of India (Delhi)
Patch Up With Rebels, Acharya Tells CM The Kohima bench of the Gauhati high court spelt brief relief for Nagaland chief minister Shurhozelie Liezietsu, staying till Monday governor P B Acharya's directive that a floor test be held on or before Saturday to prove the CM's majority. The matter will come up for hearing on Monday.
Acharya had asked Leizeitsu to prove his majority after his predecessor T R Zeliang staked claim to form the government, claiming the support of 33 NPF MLAs and seven Independents (see graphic).
In his petition before the court, Liezietsu said the decision of the governor was “ex-facie unconstitutional, illegal, arbitrary and violative of the... basic features of the Constitution“.
Liezeitsu pointed out that the process of byelection -through which he is seeking election -is already under way , and that it was “imperative and incumbent upon the governor to call upon the petitioner to prove their majority on the floor of the House only pursuant to the bypoll wherein the petitioner is a candidate“. The bypoll is scheduled for July 29. Meanwhile, Acharya asked Leizeitsu to reconcile with dissident Naga People's Front (NPF) legislators, the CM's office said.
The CM has already set the ball rolling for the reconciliation process by revoking the suspension of 10 MLAs, including Zeliang, and the state's lone Lok Sabha member Neiphiu Rio. “The party decided that all of them are NPF members and hence their suspension should be withdrawn. This is a crisis in the family ... NPF... and not in the alliance where BJP is our partner,“ he told TOI on Fri day morning. He added that he was ready to step down if the governor asked him to.“The governor has absolute powers to sack my government, but I believe he will do justice. If the governor wants me to step down, I will listen to him. But people are happy with my governance,“ Liezietsu said.
The rebellion in NPF has reduced Liezietsu's government to a minority, and he had recently accused ally BJP of engineering the crisis to grab power in the state like “they did in Arunachal last year“.
2017, July: Zeliang becomes CM but expelled by NPF
Zeliang becomes CM but expelled by NPF|Jul 20 2017 : The Times of India (Delhi)
On a day of fastmoving political developments, T R Zeliang was on Wednesday sworn in as the new chief minister of Nagaland replacing Shurhozelie Liezietsu, who was sacked by Governor P B Acharya. But within hours, the Naga People's Front (NPF) expelled Zeliang for six years for “anti-party activities“, indicating the political turmoil was far from over.
“He was adamant and has already planned to dismantle the NPF party ,“ NPF working presidents Huska Yepthomi and Apong Pongener said.They said the decision was taken to “keep peace in the party“. Zeliang, however, was unfazed saying he would continue to remain the NPF leader in the House. “The expulsion from the party does not affect the membership inside the House,“ he said.
Zeliang was appointed shortly after embattled Liezietsu and his supporters failed to turn up in the assembly to face the floor test following which the house was adjourned sine die.
Zeliang was administered oath of office and secrecy by the governor at a function at Durbar Hall in Raj Bhavan in the presence of Speaker Imtiwapang Aier, 35 NPF MLAs, seven Independents, four BJP MLAs and state BJP president Visasolie Lhoungu. In his communique to Liezietsu sacking him, Acharya took strong exception to the latter not attending the session.
2017: NPF, BJP, allies since 1997, part ways
Xavier Rutsa|NPF holds beef feast to mark BJP breakup|Jul 22 2017 : The Times of India (Delhi)
The youth wing of the Nagaland People's Front (NPF) organised a `beef feast' on Friday in front of the party headquarters to celebrate the end of its ties with the BJP. The two parties, allies since 1997, parted ways on July 18 after governor PB Acharya dismissed the government led by Shurhozelie Liezietsu. Angry at Acharya's alleged `role' in precipitating the crisis, the organisers also invited him.
Speaking to the media, NPF working president Huska Yepthomi said the feast had been organised to provoke BJP that had made its strictures against the slaughter of cows quite clear. He said Nagas ate beef and would continue to do so.
NPF youth president Vihoshe Sumi said three cows donated by a party member were slaughtered for the `feast'.
2018
NIA: Zeliang diverted govt funds to NSCN(K)
Neeraj Chauhan, NIA: Zeliang diverted govt funds to NSCN(K), March 13, 2018: The Times of India
Former Nagaland CM T R Zeliang, who lost his seat to a BJP-NDDP coalition, could be in trouble as National Investigation Agency claims to have found evidence of his involvement in the funding of Naga insurgent groups from the state exchequer.
The agency has summoned Zeliang and asked him to appear for questioning at its headquarters on Tuesday. It wants to interrogate Zeliang about his alleged role in tax collection and extortion from state government departments by Naga insurgent groups, particularly National Socialist Council of Nagaland - NSCN (Khaplang).
NIA asked Zeliang to come along with documents relevant to the payments received from government departments. The former CM, has expressed his inability to come for questioning and has asked for another date as he is attending the assembly from March 13 to 26. Sources said Zeliang’s staff members have recorded their statements under Section 164 CrPC indicting him in the alleged ‘tax collection’. It is alleged NSCN(K) was taking 24% out of the government employees’ salaries and funds for development works.
2019
Naga pact even without NSCN(I-M)?
Prabin Kalita , Oct 27, 2019: The Times of India
The Centre is most likely to go ahead with the signing of a peace accord “with or without NSCN(IM)” on October 31 to end the decades-old Naga crisis, a top Naga leader has said.
NSCN(I-M), the first Naga organisation to initiate the peace negotiations with New Delhi in 1997, continues to be a stumbling block as it has refused to give up its demands for a separate flag and constitution for the Nagas, both of which the Centre has turned down. However, seven Naga organisations opposed to NSCN(I-M), together called Naga National Political Groups (NNPG), have expressed their willingness to negotiate on the two demands.
NSCN(I-M) has stuck to its stand even after suffering a major jolt on Friday as 17 of its members switched over to NNPG. In a statement released on Saturday, NSCN(IM) said that the Naga civil society has pointed out to the Centre’s dialogue coordinator RN Ravi that “honourable and acceptable solution means honouring Naga flag and constitution” signalling that it will not compromise with its demands.
“The way they (civil society) made their position clear through the media is highly valued and appreciated. When the Government of India’s interlocutor Shri RN Ravi went too far enough to underestimate the Nagas in taking care of our legitimate historical and political rights, Naga civil society groups stood up boldly to prove him wrong and to show him to mind his language of divisive tone,” the statement said. This is the second erosion that NSCN(I-M) suffered in the past two months. Last month, 10 members in Yimchungru region had joined the NNPG.
Alezo Venuh, who coordinates with the Centre on behalf of the NNPG, told TOI, “The Government of India is very firm on wrapping up the negotiations. There is no question of whether it is NSCN-IM or NNPGs. Whichever party is ready, the government will sign the agreement with it.”
Venuh made it clear that NNPGs and the Centre have cleared all obstacles to sign a peace deal. “We (NNPGs) have resolved all issues, and the Government of India has decided to conclude the talks on October 31. We are prepared for it.”
He added, “It (signing of the deal) may happen any time, any moment. We are waiting for the NSCN-IM leadership to take a decision because there will be just one agreement and the government wants all the parties to be on board.”
On the issues of a separate flag and constitution, Venuh said, “We (NNPGs) have not given up the demands for a separate flag or constitution. But these things are not possible at this point of time.” He added, “We can’t just keep on talking or pressing for something which is not relevant at this point of time. There are other issues that will protect the identity of the Naga people.”
Venuh said, “We are doing everything in the proper way-…it is an honourable negotiation. We have worked out everything that is best for the Naga people and that will not go against the interests of India.” Asked if such a peace deal justifies the nearly 70 years of armed struggle in Nagaland, he said, “This is the best we can achieve at this point of time and the Naga people have endorsed it.”
Nov: Naga issue ‘resolved on Centre’s terms’
Prabin Kalita, Nov 2, 2019: The Times of India
The 22-yearlong dialogue between the NSCN(I-M) and the Centre finally concluded with the Centre “resolving” the last three contentious issues — separate flag, separate constitution and territorial integration of Naga-inhabited areas.
These demands “have been closed” with mutual agreement, a source associated with the talks said, adding that “there were several loose ends which were tied up on Thursday”. While the Centre had earlier rejected demands for a separate flag and constitution, NSCN(IM) had refused to budge.
The sources said that there would be “no separate flag for the state of Nagaland, but individuals or groups would be free to use a Naga flag for non-government purposes, just as political parties or literary organisations use theirs”. The issue of a separate constitution “would be resolved by a democratic and political process. So, it has also been settled,” the source said.
On the rebel outfit’s demand for integration of all Naga-inhabited areas, it was decided that NSCN(I-M) would have to persuade Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam to give up parts of their territories for creation of a ‘Greater Nagalim’. “The central government is not in a position to ask a state to give away parts of its territory. The ball is in NSCN(I-M)’s court... This issue has been settled,” the source said.
Naga outfits will have to surrender their arms now.
2021
Dec: 14 civilians killed in botched Army op, aftermath
Prabin Kalita, Dec 6, 2021: The Times of India
NEW DELHI: In a botched operation, Army para commandos lying in wait for militants in Nagaland’s Mon district late on Saturday shot and killed six villagers instead, all of them coal mine workers returning home in a van singing songs. Soon after, a village search party found the bodies and attacked soldiers, leading to firing in which seven more civilians died. A soldier was also killed.
Another civilian was killed in Mon, dominated by the Konyak tribe, when security forces repelled a mob attack on an Assam Rifles camp. It was one among several incidents of arson and rioting in the district since the previous night. At least 20 people were injured in the ambush and the violence that followed. Army officials said the operation was planned following specific inputs about the movements of militants from Yung Aung faction of the proscribed NSC.
Army ‘deeply regrets’ deaths, initiates inquiry
The commando team deployed at a site between Tiru and Oting, about 100km from the Myanmar border, apparently mistook the coal mine workers for their targets in the dark and started firing. Not long after, a civilian search party from Oting set out to find the mine workers who hadn’t returned home at the usual time, only to find their bodies piled up in an Army vehicle, sources said. The mob reprisal that followed led to a second round of firing by the soldiers, resulting in seven more civilian deaths and injuries to many. Besides the one casualty on the Army’s side, several were injured by villagers armed with sharp weapons, officials said.
Some of the injured have been shifted to hospitals in neighbouring Assam. The Army on Sunday “deeply regretted” the civilian deaths, all of them residents of Oting, and instituted a court of inquiry into the circumstances that led to the tragic outcome of what was to be an operation targeting militants. “Action will be taken as per course of law,” the Army’s Nagaland based 3 Corps headquarters said.
Nagaland chief minister Neiphiu Rio, who was in Delhi when Nagaland erupted, returned to the state on Sunday and is scheduled to visit Mon on Monday. Deputy chief minister Y Patton, who is from BJP, said the state had separately ordered an inquiry by a five-member special investigation team.
Unfortunate incident in Nagaland’s Oting, Mon. I express my deepest condolences to the families of those who have lost their lives. A high level SIT constituted by the state govt will thoroughly probe this incident to ensure justice to the bereaved families,” Union home minister Amit Shah tweeted later.
Naga organisations across the state, where the NSCN (I-M) and a clutch of other tribal bodies are engaged in peace talks with the Centre to end decades of insurgency, organised protests and candlelight vigils for the victims.
The Lotha Hoho declared any movement of Army personnel, convoys or patrol in Wokha district from Monday would be taken as “defiance of human rights”. Several tribal groups pulled out of the ongoing 10-day Hornbill Festival organised by the state government.
Internet and texting services were suspended in Mon district on Monday to prevent rumours from beingspread.
2022
21 of 25 NPF legislators join ruling NDPP
Bhadra Gogoi, April 30, 2022: The Times of India
Dimapur: After joining chief minister Neiphiu Rio’s coalition government last year and rendering the Nagaland assembly without an opposition, 21 of 25 Naga People’s Front (NPF) legislators switched over on Friday to Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) ahead of state elections due next year.
The strength of Rio’s NDPP went to 42 after NPF legislature party leader TR Zeliang led the defection.
Nagaland assembly speaker Sharingain Lokngkumer said that he had received the claim of merger of 21 NPF members with NDPP.
This happened a day after NPF president Shurhozelie Liezietsu declared in Phek district that his party will go it alone in the 2023 assembly polls, though it is an alliance partner in the all-party opposition-less United Democratic Alliance (UDA) government in Nagaland.
Shurhozelie Liezietsu also reportedly said that the NPF MLAs were working together with the all-party government, but it does not mean that the parties have come together.
The United Democratic Alliance was formed in July last year after the opposition NPF joined the Rio-led government. Before the merger of 21 NPF lawmakers, NDPP had 21 members, BJP 12 and two independents.
The NDPP, BJP and two independents were running the government under the banner of People’s Democratic Alliance. The name of the alliance was changed after NPF joined it.
Oting operation of 2021
June 12, 2022: The Times of India
Nagaland botched op: Elite troops charged with murder
Guwahati: The SIT set up by the Nagaland government has chargesheeted 30 members of the elite Jorhat-based 21 Para, including a Major, in connection with a botched counter-insurgency operation last December in which 13 villagers of Oting, in the state’s Mon district, were killed, reports Prabin Kalita. The 30 paratroopers have been charged under IPC sections dealing with criminal conspiracy, murder, attempt to murder, voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons, causing disappearance of evidence or giving false info to screen offenders.
See also
Indpaedia’s several pages about Nagaland include:
Nagaland: Political history
