Pranab Mukherjee
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Contents |
A profile
From the archives of India Today , June 5, 2009
There are no quickfix solutions to an economic slowdown. Yet this veteran political warhorse is today expected to do just that—apply the healing gel to the deep ruptures left by a global financial tsunami. And that too with the “cool-headed” calculations he uses to troubleshoot for the Congress or answer questions from eager scribes, never giving away more than intended.
Style statement : Loves music, especially Bengali folk.
Priorities:
• A bold reform stimulus which would rev up growth dynamics and propel the country towards the 9 per cent plus growth path.
• Step up investment in infrastructure.
• Stimulate demand by reducing personal income tax rates, tweak customs duty structure to accelerate exports.
• Tackle the fiscal deficit by shoring up government revenues and cutting down on borrowings.
Mukherjee boasts of a unique combination of political sensibility and allegiance to free market economics. He has the ability to balance the political need for pro-growth populism with the economic imperative of prudence.
Given his vast experience and his understanding of the complex economic landscape, almost everyone expects him to deliver a dream budget in July and spur growth.
Milestones
September 1, 2020: The Times of India
In a political career of more than 50 years, Pranab Mukherjee left his mark everywhere, from Rajya Sabha to Lok Sabha and from the finance, defence and foreign ministries to the office of the President
1935-1960s
Born on December 11, 1935, in Mirati village in West Bengal’s Birbhum, Mukherjee did his college in Calcutta and married Suvra, a Rabindra Sangeet singer and artist, in 1957. The couple has two sons — Abhijit and Indrajeet — and a daughter, Sharmistha
1969 After early stints as a college teacher and journalist, he was elected to Rajya Sabha as a Bangla Congress member. He would be reelected to the Upper House in 1975, 1981, 1993 and 1999
1973
He first became a Union minister under PM Indira Gandhi, serving in multiple ministries. In 1980, when Congress returned to power, he was minister of commerce, and steel and mines
1982
First stint as Union finance minister. But after Indira’s assassination in 1984, he fell out with her son Rajiv and was moved out. He left Congress in 1986 to float his own outfit but was back in the Congress fold in 1989
1991-2004
Under PV Narasimha Rao as PM, Mukherjee was named deputy chairman of Planning Commission in 1991. He went on to serve as minister of commerce, and then foreign affairs, under Rao
2004-2012
Won his first Lok Sabha polls from Jangipur in Bengal. Under the UPA-I and -II governments, Mukherjee served as minister of defence, foreign affairs and finance
2012-2017
Served as 13th President of India from July 2012 to July 2017, entering office during UPA-I and finishing under NDA
Career in a nutshell
September 1, 2020: The Times of India
Pranab Mukherjee, whose career on the national political stage began as a Rajya Sabha MP in 1969 and ended as President in 2017, Mukherjee was one of only three ministers in Independent India to have held three CCS (cabinet committee on security) positions: finance, defence and external affairs. He was also leader of the House in Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha.
A Congressman all the way, Pranab worked with 3 PMs A Congressman all his political life, barring a brief period when he fell out with Rajiv Gandhi, Mukherjee worked with three PMs: Indira Gandhi, whose attention he first caught, P V Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh. After his return to Congress, his career was revived by Rao who appointed him deputy chairman of the Planning Commission. However, he was passed over for the PM’s job in 2004 when Sonia Gandhi chose Manmohan Singh. Mukherjee received the Bharat Ratna, the nation’s highest honour, last year, a recognition that stood out because it was conferred at the behest of a government belonging to a party he had consistently opposed. Earlier, BJP’s allies JD(U) and Shiv Sena had broken ranks from their NDA partners to support his presidential bid. Though not a mass leader — he won only one Lok Sabha election, in 2004 and never made a mark in state politics — he was the go-to man in successive governments for trouble-shooting assignments. He was a key negotiator with the Left on the India-US nuclear deal till the communists parted ways with the UPA. He also spearheaded the UPA government’s unsuccessful effort to defang the anti-corruption movement that launched Aam Aadmi Party and help clear the way for Narendra Modi’s win in the 2014 LS elections. A government reply to a Parliament question in 2010 (UPA-2) said Mukherjee was heading all empowered GoMs expect one and was head of 15 of 34 other GoMs. Seen as ‘Mr Fixit’ in UPA-1 and 2, he headed eGoMs on 3G spectrum, procurement and management of foodgrain, drought management, gas pricing, price band of PSU shares, mega power projects and mass transit systems. In all, he headed 95 GoMs during his time in the two UPA governments.
Mukherjee is survived by two sons and a daughter. Abhijit Mukherjee, a former MP, broke the news of his father’s death. His daughter Sharmistha has been active in politics and was spokesperson for the Delhi Congress.
Some important events
Why he did not try to become PM
Subhodh Ghildiyal, September 1, 2020: The Times of India
Prez Who Could Have Been PM
From The Indira Era To Modi’s India, He Remained An Unparalleled Politician And A Statesman
A man who did not hesitate to express his views, Mukherjee ignored the dismay in the ranks of the party he had been a part of and went right ahead and quoted Jawaharlal Nehru, often at the receiving end of the Sangh Parivar’s attacks, in his speech. But, the inherent message that he did not see R S S as “untouchable” served to underline how he had been courted by BJP and PM Narendra Modi. For someone who saw so much and travelled so far from the remote Mirati village in Birbhum, the end can hardly define the contradictions life in politics can be and which Mukherjee negotiated with aplomb. He was at the centre of action during UPA, heading a record number of GoMs and playing chief troubleshooter despite a trust deficit with the Gandhis that never quite went away. The roots of the latent discord went back to 1984 when Mukherjee fell out with Rajiv Gandhi in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination. He denied harbouring leadership ambitions and said Rajiv was misled. Being dropped from the cabinet in 1984 was a shock, and after parting ways with Congress, he returned six years later. When the time came, he proved a dependable guide for Sonia Gandhi as she stepped into a new political role, entering Parliament in 1999.
If he continued to rise, it was because Mukherjee was a manager par excellence who worked across the communal, secular, socialist, capitalist and corporate aisles and formed part of a group that did not have enemies but only rivals in politics. Today, the likes of Sharad Pawar and Mulayam Singh Yadav are fading. Mukherjee was the best of the bunch.
For all his political friendships, Mukherjee was a dyed-in-the-wool Congressman, a key planner and strategist irrespective of whether the party was in office or in Opposition. His sharp mind caught Indira Gandhi’s attention and she brought him to Rajya Sabha, making him deputy and minister of state for economic portfolios before he became finance minister in 1982. He never forgot his debt to his mentor, often recalling her as India’s greatest PM and a realist who ordered Pokhran 1.
Mukherjee continued to hold important assignments in the Narasimha Rao government as deputy chair of Planning Commission and then as cabinet minister. He was Rao’s choice for political tasks, too. His report on the Tamil Nadu situation ahead of the 1996 polls proved prophetic. He advocated an alliance with DMK, advice that Rao ignored, leading to G K Moopanar and P Chidambaram forming Tamil Maanila Congress. TMC and DMK swept the state, making a crucial difference for Rao and Congress.
Later, Mukherjee accepted Sonia’s choice of Manmohan Singh as PM, but was never shy of asserting himself. Officials waiting outside cabinet meetings would recall that his loud tones often filtered out, indicating he was doing most of the talking. In the aftermath of the 26/11 attacks, he unleashed verbal salvos against Pakistan daily, blunting more than Singh BJP’s calls for action. Mukherjee was a one-stop shop in UPA, the intersection of politics, policy, ego and turf issues. He did not back away from scraps himself, clashing with Chidambaram over several issues. Their “joint appearance” outside North Block in September 2011 where Mukherjee distanced himself from a note on 2G spectrum will remain a photo op etched in memory. A few months earlier, he had created a stir by writing to Singh saying he suspected a bugging device in his office.
And yet, for all his qualities, the PM’s post remained elusive. High-profile and independentminded, his previous revolt made him unsuitable for the top job when UPA defeated BJP in 2004. Sonia picked Singh, qualified, dependable and bereft of any political and corporate baggage. Mukherjee could not be home minister either – a post that was too powerful for an intrepid politician. Too smart to get stuck on a missed bus, Mukherjee set his sights on a new goal – Rashtrapati Bhavan. He worked hard to win allies across parties. When the time came, he did not appear to be the first choice. This time Mukherjee anticipated the resistance and forced Congress’s hand as “secular” votaries like Mulayam Singh Yadav backed him. On one particular night, Ahmed Patel sat with “dada” till the wee hours, assuring him he was indeed the party’s choice.
Mukherjee was not just an astute politician. He earned respect for his encyclopaedic knowledge of history and the Constitution. He was a key arbiter of the India-US nuclear deal during which he kept the Left engaged – and distracted – until it was too late for the comrades to block the pact. For a man of staunch secular beliefs, he could see religion in a cultural context. Every Durga Puja, he would be in Jangipur and don the bhadralok dhoti and kurta, flaunt his janeu and immerse himself in a 10-day prayer. He used it to good effect in Parliament as he tore into BJP’s political Hindutva by quoting scriptures to highlight the heterogeneity of thought in Hinduism.
Mukherjee ascended even higher when he was bestowed the Bharat Ratna by the Modi government. While Congress leaders attended the award ceremony, the Gandhis and Manmohan Singh did not. By then, Mukherjee had risen above partisan fault lines even as he remained a Congressman by conviction.
Details
Former President Pranab Mukherjee remains in the news even after the end of his term and a long innings in public life. His book `Coalition Years' has trained the spotlight on the major events that shaped UPA governments. In a free-wheeling conversation with Team TOI, Mukherjee spoke on his stint in government as well as major issues he dealt with during his presidency. Excerpts...
You have had such a long political life. Is there any incident that stands out?
To my mind it is Bangladesh, the birth of a nation of 12 or 13 crore people in 1971. I still remember that Indira Gandhi, the then prime minister, made a short statement in both Houses saying "I am happy to inform the House that Pakistan army has surrendered to the joint command of the Indian army and the Bangladesh Mukti Bahini and now Dhaka is the free capital of free Bangladesh". That is the most significant event since I joined public life.
Was it a pronouncement on the two-nation theory?
That will be an over-simplification of the whole issue because the two-nation theory was challenged at the very time of its pronouncement. It (the partition of Pakistan) once again established that mere religion cannot be the basis of a State. There are many other factors: religion, language, customs, culture and social systems.
Do you think that after the 1971 win, India could have settled the Kashmir issue to its satisfaction?
Indira Gandhi took the wisest decision by declaring the unilateral ceasefire. If India had not declared unilateral ceasefire, there would have been expansion of the conflict. It would have engulfed both India and Pakistan because America was bent on protecting the unity of western Pakistan after they had lost the hope on eastern Pakistan. Soviet Russia also did not want the war to be extended.
Do you think diplomatically more could have been done?
Whatever had to be done was done. There was the Shimla agreement, and it was agreed that it is a bilateral issue, it was agreed that through dialogue the issues would be solved. All these are part and parcel of the Shimla agreement. But if you do not keep your word, there is no instrument that can compel you to do it.
During the launch of your book, Manmohan Singh said+ you were better suited to be Prime Minister.
Doctor sahib (Manmohan Singh) is always very nice. Surely, he was a much better PM. I had said it at that time, and much later also, that doctor sahib was the best PM among the available Congressmen. I could not qualify myself to be the PM because I have no means of communication with the vast masses of the people because of my deficiency in Hindi. Nobody who cannot communicate in the language of the masses, can be the PM, apart from other political reasons. Doctor sahib was the right choice of Mrs Sonia Gandhi. Actually, we expected Sonia Gandhi to be PM. Votes were sought in her name.She campaigned extensively and we got around 147 seats. She was elected as the leader of the party and she was also elected as leader of the UPA. All UPA partners -RJD, DMK, TRS, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha and NCP -agreed that she should provide the leadership and she should have become prime minister. But as she refused to be PM, there was no other choice but doctor sahib.
What were the political reasons that prevented you from becoming PM?
The state I represented was under Left rule for 34 years. If a leader is going to be PM, should not his state not ruled by his own party? Doctor sahib did not have that disadvantage -Congress was then ruling Punjab.
In your book, there is a mention of your meeting with Sonia Gandhi in 2012 in the context of candidates for President?
Various names were discussed and, then, Doctor sahib's name was proposed. I thought she may give a surprise just as she surprised (everyone) by not becoming PM in 2004 because Congressmen did not accept that. So that was never a serious issue, it was never considered.
There are some references that at one point of time you had told Rajiv Gandhi that you did not want to be the PM?
There was no letter or anything like that. We were travelling together in Contai in West Bengal (in October 1984). We did not know that Indira Gandhi had been killed. We got a message that the PM had been assaulted, and had to leave for Delhi. We were driving- myself, Ghani Khan, Rajiv and one of his security officers was there. Rajiv was monitoring BBC news through his transistor. At Kolkata airport he went into the cockpit and came back after some time confirming that Indira Gandhi had been killed. Balram Jakhar, who was the speaker was there, Shyamlal Yadav, deputy chairman Rajya Sabha, Ghani Khan Chowdhury, Uma Shankar Dixit and Mrs Shiela Dixit came. I myself suggested to Rajiv that he should take over. The Congress parliamentary board met. It also did not have the full members -only two members were there, myself and PV Narasimha Rao, Kamlapati (Tripathy) and Margatham Chandrashekhar, two other members of CWC came later. With that resolution we went to Zail Singh and he himself decided and communicated the decision.
When you demitted office, Narendra Modi thanked you profusely. How were your relations with him?
You cannot know that because this is something which is highly classified; even a court is prevented from looking into it. I have no intention of bringing out the relationship between Presidents and Prime Ministers even in the fourth volume (of my memoirs) that I am writing. That is not desirable. However, I have had excellent relations with him because he won the elections.
Did the May 2014 results surprise you?
I was not in active politics then. I will give credit to one person. Senior BJP leaders who met me offered estimates varying from 180 to 200 seats. However, Piyush Goyal told me not less than 265-270 seats for BJP. He spoke to me during the campaign. I had a small side table where I used to sit, there was a notepad - a silver framed notepad. I used to put the names and their estimates. I had names of 15-20 leaders from different political parties.
Does the stability of the government play a role in the decision to invite a party?
Of course. India has 800 million voters, 543 constituencies spread over 3.3 million square kilometres with several lakh polling booths. Is it a matter of joke that today you hold the elections, there is no majority and you dissolve it and order another election? If any president does that, it will be utter irresponsibility. A president has no option but to choose -he may be right, he may be wrong -a government to be formed. If a single party gets a majority in the elections and if that majority party elects somebody, the president has no option but to invite him to form the government.
Mani Shankar Aiyar wrote an article after you demitted office as President that you should be the spiritual guide for the Congress party. What are your views?
I can always give advice but to actively participate in political party, no President has done it. Rajendra Pras ad or Shankar Dayal Sharma were Congress presidents, so they also did not think of joining politics. One can give advice, but it has to be sought.
Will your advice be available only to Congress or also to other political parties interested in seeking your counsel?
It will be available to all.
In one of your interviews you said when the Congress won 200 seats it behaved as it had 280.
I said that Congressmen started thinking they had absolute majority because in 1999, Congress got only 112 seats. In 2009, Congress had 200-plus seats and they thought they were in absolute majority. But it was a coalition. It was difficult and it was our failure as leaders of the party.
Generally, coalition governments have another deficiency. They are largely dominated by regional parties and these regional parties are based on states because there are hardly any regional parties, which have a presence in more than one state. It is sometimes difficult to reconcile regional interests with national interests.
There is a deficiency in the coalition system that a PM does not enjoy absolute authority of including his colleagues (as minister) unlike in case of a single-party majority government.There may be political compulsions even there. It may be difficult for any prime minister to exclude Pranab Mukherjee or P Chidambaram, that's different. That's political compulsion.
What do you think went wrong for UPA-2 that resulted in the disappointing mandate?
What was wrong? We did not get votes, that's why we lost!
Will your counsel be available to all political parties, all the stakeholders if they come to you?
Yes. But there have to be issues.
One of the issues which comes up between presidents and government is promulgation of ordinances. How did you approach this issue?
During UPA's time, I pointed out how could you bring an ordinance when you had yourself introduced the bill the other day and recommended that it be considered by the standing committee? And, today you are talking of an ordinance? Where is the urgency? Ordinance is generally dependent on urgency. The one qualification which is invariably required is urgency. It cannot wait till Parliament session is called. Then, why an ordinance? And, they (UPA government) withdrew it. In one ordinance (proposed by NDA), there was a huge loss (of revenue) for the government, they had to pay a huge amount of money to somebody. Then, I told the government you have to get it done otherwise next time I am not going to approach this ordinance and it was passed by both the Houses. Ordinance is a problem.
The ordinance (under UPA) was brought to negate the judgment of a High Court on disqualification. I was not seeking the merit of the ordinance, I was seeking the logic of the procedural part of the ordinance. The second one was Enemy Property Act, I think (under NDA)
So, the president relies on the opinion of constitutional experts and his own experience in public life in dealing with tricky things?
Sometimes, presidents have to. Sometimes, presidents have to write notings on the file. Invariably, all presidents, including me, take the advice of constitutional experts. Invariably, I used to call the attorney general and take his advice.
The UPA-2 suffered from policy paralysis but the retrospective taxation issue was one which was widely criticised. What was the rationale in opting for this?
I still feel there is lack of perspec tive on the retrospective taxation amendment. My first question is: if it is considered so evil to the econo my why has not been amended? Six years have passed. Every year, the finance minister gets the opportunity to amend the Finance Act. It is not intended to have taxation at ran dom retrospectively. What is a law? Every Act has an intention. It has a purpose. This intention and purpose are explained in a bill and you find in the statement of objects and reason. Thereafter, the legal experts put the language to express that intent and purpose.
Now, sometimes it may happen, when the executive puts this language, this language may be interpreted (differently) by the Supreme Court and their interpretation is final. Then, what happens? Then, the executive amends the language, but not necessarily the object. The income tax department had issued a series of notices to Vodafone. The department said `you are entering into a transaction this is subject to tax so be careful while entering into this transaction'.When they entered the transaction we said `we are going impose taxes', and then we imposed taxes. When they protested, we said where have you paid the tax? You tell us if you have paid taxes in your country of origin or country of activity. Then, when the Bombay High Court judgment supporting the interpretation the ministry, came, many people paid the taxes.Now, if we would not have done this retrospective amendment we would had to pay all of them back, which was impossible. In principle, every government has this right (to protect revenues) , that's why no finance minister is changing this. A few lakh peo ple pay income tax but each and everyone pays excise duty. How would you refund it? This is an inherent power, sovereign power of the government as they have the power to impose taxation and they have the power over sovereign funds. Tax is a sovereign fund.Whose money will we return? In order to avoid these questions we decided on this.
You have referred to an incident that days ahead to the introduction of the Finance Bill in Parliament in 2012, several colleagues including one with a high-ranking Vodafone official approached you to reconsider your move to move amend the laws. Can you throw some light on this?
Before the passage of the Finance Bill you receive representations from a large number of people. When somebody makes a representation, it is for the finance minister to accept it or reject it. If he accepts it, he himself moves an amendment in the Finance Bill and if he rejects it he does not. I stood by what I did.
Some of your party colleagues seem to suggest that post-2012 the trajectory of the economy changed.Do you agree with the perception that the economy improved after 2012?
What do you mean?
During your stint as finance minister, you provided a fiscal stimulus. Do you think there is a case for providing a stimulus given the slowdown in the economy?
The global financial crisis took place in 2008. We were feeling the pinch but we thought it may be temporary . When I presented the interim budget, then several industrialists and economists told me the situation was serious and we required some corrective measures.I gave a huge stimulus. Before that two packages were announced, one by Chidambaram sometime in November, then by Doctor sahib. Mine was the third package, and it was the largest.
I have not studied the present situation so I won't be able to answer it.Whether fiscal stimulus is to be given is a very major decision and it is not somebody's off the cuff remark. It has to go through various analyses and preparations.
After you assumed charge as President there was the issue of mercy petitions. Can you tell us what prompted your decisions?
Personally, I am against the contin ation of the death sentence. But my oint is very simple: it is not me, even s President, it is for the lawmakers to ecide whether they will keep it in the ndian Penal Code or not. They have ept it, the judges have pronounced udgments and then you expect me to everse that? Why should I do it? No eath sentence, unless it is confirmed y the Supreme Court, can come to the resident.
What authority do I have when the ession judge is going through the vidence, the High Court is also going hrough the evidence, the Supreme ourt is going through the judgments nd confirming it and it is recom ended by the home minister as govrnment to president? hy should I not ccept it? Remove it from the statute ooks and it will be alright.
Journey to be the President of India
September 1, 2020: The Times of India
How Dada climbed Raisina Hill when Race Course Road closed
The presidency was the capstone on Pranab Mukherjee’s long political career, but it nearly eluded him for the same reason that he couldn’t become Prime Minister. His widely reported ambition to be PM at Rajiv Gandhi’s expense, after Indira Gandhi’s assassination, had earned him the lifelong distrust of the Gandhi family and its loyalists. Even when he returned to the fold and ably played troubleshooter for the UPA, doubts about his ‘loyalty’ persisted and he was overlooked for the post of home minister in 2004. The same distrust stood in Mukherjee’s way in May 2012, when 10 Janpath — shorthand for the Congress high command — rejected CPM leader Prakash Karat’s pitch to elect him President.
Sonia Gandhi chose Vice President Hamid Ansari instead with an eye on Muslim votes. Mukherjee’s rejection was couched in the claim of his “indispensability” to the government. But he wasn’t taken in by it, nor was he consoled by the offer of the vice presidency, knowing that he could be a consensus candidate drawing support from non-UPA quarters.
Faced with a firm high command, he stuck to the “loyal soldier of the party” playbook, but never discouraged those, including non-Congress politicians, who felt he would make a better President.
He was back in the reckoning when Samajwadi Party, a big factor in the electoral college because of its emphatic win in the UP assembly polls, decided to frustrate Congress’ plan to dent its support among Muslims by sending Ansari to Rashtrapati Bhavan. Mamata Banerjee, who also had significant heft in the electoral college, was not quite enamoured of Mukherjee but she didn’t want to help Congress with Muslim votes either.
Since opposing Ansari would have cost them Muslim votes, Mulayam and Mamata proposed the candidature of another Muslim, former President APJ Abdul Kalam. The choice was anathema to Congress and Sonia because Kalam owed little to Congress for his first ter m and had remained war m towards BJP.
Congress was forced to take a fresh look at Mukherjee’s claim, which became stronger when the Left and DMK refused to support Mulayam and Mamata.
Kalam’s refusal to take the field unless he had the numbers also helped Dada. Mulayam dumped Kalam, triggering speculation about the invisible hand of the “friends of Pranab” club. Mamata also wisely chose not to become an obstacle in the way of a ‘bhadralok’ taking over as First Citizen.
As for the ‘high command’, it was left with the feeling of being outmanoeuvred by someone whose wiles had helped it get the better of opponents.
The person
Glimpses
September 1, 2020: The Times of India
A NATURAL AT FINANCE
Pranab Mukherjee’s aptitude for finance was apparent early in his life. Elder brother Piyush once recalled how he eked out treats from the exact change their mother gave them for groceries. “Ma counted the exact change, but will she measure the exact weight of the groceries?” he reassured his brother. Daughter Sharmistha remembers him as a tough negotiator in money matters. She usually got “4-5%” of what she had asked for with the lament that she was “a chor, daku, shashtrapani (thief, robber and armed gangster).” If gifts were available in a price range of Rs 1,000-20,000, Pranabda would say, “Go for Rs 1,000”.
BOOKWORM, NO TIME FOR FILMS
Armed with two MAs – history and political science – and an LLB, Mukherjee worked as a clerk, a college teacher and a journalist before coming to politics but his love of reading didn’t leave him. He had no time for films, and once famously failed to recognise actor-turned-MP Vinod Khanna in Parliament. Books and file notings were a different matter, though. He once silenced NDA MPs who objected to his claim that Hindu scriptures contain references to drunken behaviour by gods, by rattling off the relevant shlokas. In the PV Narasimha Rao government, he rejected the agriculture minister’s proposals on crop prices by quoting the detailed notes he had made on a file 20 years ago.
SISTER’S WORDS CAME TRUE
As a first-time Rajya Sabha MP in 1969-70, Pranabda lived in a South Avenue flat overlooking the Rashtrapati Bhavan stables. One day, he remarked to his elder sister, Annapurna Devi, that the sight of well-fed horses made him wish he would be reborn among them. Pat came her reply: “Mark my words, you’ll be President one day.” Her words took more than 40 years to come true, simply because Pranabda was indispensable in the Congress party. He had been keen on the post in 2007, but Congress president Sonia Gandhi summoned him one night and said, “Just tell me who can replace you in the Cabinet and perform your role? Give me a name and you will be our candidate.” At which, both broke out laughing.
Singhvi’s recollections
Abhishek Singhvi , September 1, 2020: The Times of India
He walked 7-8km and wrote his diary even on the day he fell sick
By Abhishek Singhvi !
Few could match his iron discipline, from his morning constitutional to his latenight diary entries, that the very day he suffered the brain injury late at night, he had completed his 7 or 8 km walk (split into morning and evening segments) and written his treasured diary before retiring — early by his standards — at 11 pm.
The real USP of Pranabda was his rock-like solidity. He had humongous and unmatched experience, a middle-ofthe-road approach on economic issues, which leveraged the virtues of a historically licensed and currently liberalising economy with the benefits of a free market approach, without becoming starry eyed or being swayed by either.
His elephantine memory, a unique mix of political grip with technocratic expertise and an unprecedented mastery of procedures, rules, convention, practices and precedents, set him apart.
A left-of-centre centrist who was a master storyteller
On each of four vital criteria available for any individual’s evaluation, Pranabda scored highly and in different ways. His talent was legendary. There are few, if any, who possessed his in-depth knowledge and easy familiarity with the intricacies of policymaking on totally unrelated subjects. He was a man for all seasons and I cannot think of any occasion when he failed to deliver.
Secondly, his ideological commitment was clear and consistent: he was a slightly left-ofcentre centrist, with a balanced approach on social and economic issues, but consistent with the socialist context of a transforming and unequal economy like India and with the inclusive philosophy of the party he represented.
Thirdly, his temperament, criticised by some as short and hot, was fully understandable for a man heavily pressed for time, who had no time for small talk or idle political gossip. But catch him with time or in a relaxed mood (like a flight to Kolkata or elsewhere, as happened with me more than once), and you would be treated to a delightful experience of old-world charm, anecdotal treasures, deep and incisive analysis and a childlike simplicity. Finally, his commitment to his convictions was strong, honest and sincere: he was incapable of pretensions and came across as he was, without hypocrisy or camouflage.
In a 2012 article before Pranabda was even selected as the Presidential nominee by diverse parties, Inder Malhotra quoted an unnamed writer who described Pranabda as a “front person, reference point, troubleshooter, lightning rod, live wire, fulcrum, flywheel, and, indeed, the very heart and soul of the government”. Malhotra added: “This was a mind boggling... stupendous achievement for someone with most modest beginnings... who had to walk a few miles to the nearest school.” He was the go-to man for everything in UPA I and II and the number of EGOMs/GOMs he headed was testimony to this.
In our late-night meetings, he would tell me how Ajoy Mukherjee, a fine leader, expelled unfairly by Atulya Ghosh, formed the Bangla Congress, starting Pranabda’s political career in 1967. Bangla Congress sent him to Rajya Sabha, where, Indira Gandhi, impressed with his industry and analysis, started relying on him and appointed him commerce minister of India at the age of 42. After his exile (he named the persons responsible for it), Rajiv himself appointed him spokesperson. He would frequently tell me (whilst I would deny) that he had two failings because of which he could not aspire to be PM — his lack of fluency in Hindi and the fact that he was never elected to Lok Sabha (cured later for one term).
Singhvi is a Congress MP and eminent jurist
In A Select Club
Pranab Mukherjee is one of only three people (PMs holding portfolios excluded) who have held three or more different portfolios in the Cabinet Committee on Security, which is the key decision-making body of the Cabinet — in his case finance, defence and external affairs. Y B Chavan is the only one to have held four — finance, defence, home and external affairs — while R Venkataraman held the finance, defence and home portfolios at different points. Like Mukherjee, Venkataraman also went on to become President.
Family
Suvra Mukherjee 1940-2015
The Times of India, Aug 19 2015
Mohua Chatterjee
President's pillar of strength, she had faith in his mettle
Woman who inspired his 1st rebellion
Every night, no matter how busy he was or how late his day ended, when he got home, Pranab Mukherjee spent time with his ailing wife. This was the routine for the last six to seven years that she was unwell.
There was a wooden chair next to her bed, where Mukherjee sat, spoke to her, comforted and soothed her. This he did, even if he had more files to clear later.This was the moment Suvra Mukherjee waited for every day , her time with her husband of long years.
With no political aspira tion, Suvra had a charm and warmth that drew people to her. Her social skills won her many friends, which included a special relationship with Indira Gandhi. Even when she was PM, Indira would drop in for a fish-and-rice meal cooked by Suvra.
In her book on her relationship with Indira, Suvra mentions how the tallest Congress leader of her times would call her up to “convey things to her husband“.
Suvra, a Rabindrasangeet exponent and painter who wrote two books, knew where her strength lay .While channelizing her en thusiasm for cultural activities and starting the Gitanjali Troupe which travelled the country and abroad performing Tagore's dance dramas, she was the anchor of Mukherjee's family . She remained focused on bringing up their children -Abhijit, Indrajit and Sharmistha -and ensured that her husband's career never suffered because of pressing family matters. A constant source of encouragement, she was convinced he'd reach a high point. She passed on her cultural talent to her daughter, an accomplished Kathak dancer who has now joined the Congress.
Many found shelter in the Mukherjee home ever since the family moved to Delhi in 1969, invariably at the behest of the lady of the house.
Even as First Lady she often visited friends in CR Park. Her last years, mostly confined to her bed, were spent watching TV . She loved Uttam Kumar-Suchitra Sen films.
They married on July 13, 1957. Suvra's family came from Jessore, now in Bangladesh, and migrated to Kolkata when she was 10. They settled down in Howrah. Pranab met her when she was still a student of Howrah Girls' College. Attractive Suvra Ghosh was behind Pranab's first re bellion. He went against the wishes of his orthodox Brahmin family and married the girl from a different caste.
In the politics
Finance Minister
Sidhartha, September 1, 2020: The Times of India
Pranab had many hits as FM but also a few misses
Pranab Mukherjee will be remembered as one of the most distinguished allrounders to have been part of government in India. In his long career at the Centre, he handled everything from finance to commerce, defence and external affairs, and was also deputy chairman of the Planning Commission. He left his mark on historic events ranging from the Emergency to the nuclear deal.
Mukherjee entered Indira Gandhi’s council of ministers in 1973-74 as deputy minister handling industry, and later, shipping, transport and steel. In October 1974, he was moved to finance as junior minister in charge of revenue and expenditure, and oversaw the “fight against economic offences” during the Emergency. Over 4,000 income tax raids took place under his watch in 1974-75.
Finance seemed to be his favourite portfolio after he first took charge in 1982, and he went on to present seven Budgets and one interim budget over the next 30 years. He was the FM when Manmohan Singh was appointed Reserve Bank of India governor in 1982. In 2009, he secured the same portfolio when Singh was sworn in as PM for a second term. Moving to North Block months after the collapse on Wall Street, he helmed the economy through the global crisis. Sometimes, he seemed out of step, though. In 1984, for instance, he opposed the nationalisation of Union Carbide after the Bhopal gas leak on the grounds that it would deter foreign investment, but in 2012 he drew the charge of tax terrorism by retrospectively amending the law to levy capital tax on Vodafone after the government lost its case in the Supreme Court. His insistence on continuing with an economic stimulus resulted in double-digit inflation and steep depreciation of the rupee that added to the NPA crisis. He was also accused of undermining RBI’s authority, a charge that he denied in his memoirs. But he will be remembered for his role in several decisions that have shaped India, such as setting up the Exim Bank, Nabard and regional rural banks, and a formula to share resources with the states. In the UPA years, he headed 95 ministerial panels at some point or the other, dealing with issues ranging from telecom spectrum to special economic zones. As defence minister in 2004, he was part of efforts to work out the India-US defence framework and subsequently the nuclear deal.
As the President of India
Workaholic Prez Gifts People Museum, Library, Heritage|Jul 24 2017 : The Times of India (Delhi)
From the word go, President Pranab Mukherjee got down to making his presidency matter -part of his rich legacy is documenting Rashtrapati Bhavan and restoring several of its parts that were in disrepair. A look at the lasting changes he leaves behind in the presidential Estate.
From The Times of India
With PM Modi
September 1, 2020: The Times of India
From: September 1, 2020: The Times of India
Not partisan, he was Modi’s Delhi guide after 2014 debut
When Narendra Modi called on Pranab Mukherjee in May 2019, two days before he was to start his second term as Prime Minister, he was in for a pleasant surprise. The former President, who was waiting for his visitor, clasped Modi’s hand and profusely complimented him on winning his second Lok Sabha majority. “What you have achieved is unprecedented,” those privy to the warm conversation quoted Mukherjee as saying.
Known for his legendary memory, Mukherjee delved into the history of elections to say Modi’s back-to-back wins were unique in that he had pulled them off without the advantage of a platform long-synonymous with the freedom movement or a hallowed pedigree. Living up to his reputation as someone who had the facts at his fingertips, Mukherjee said BJP’s gains under Modi in 2019 were bigger than what Congress had clocked under Jawaharlal Nehru in 1957.
The meeting, in which Mukherjee offered sweets to Modi, was emblematic of the bond the two forged after 2014. The Prime Minister publicly acknowledged benefitting from the guidance he got from Mukherjee, saying the experienced campaigner had led him by the hand to negotiate Delhi’s ways.
Modi acknowledged the debt publicly soon after the meeting in 2019, tweeting: “Meeting Pranabda is always an enriching experience. His knowledge and insights are unparalleled. He is a statesman who has made an indelible contribution to our nation. Sought his blessings during our meeting today.”
The regard found expression in the Bharat Ratna the BJP government conferred on Mukherjee: a gesture which surprised the leader’s Congress colleagues still trying to come to terms with the electoral humiliation of May.
Yet, Mukherjee did not display his fondness for Modi on his sleeve. As President and even after, his views were sometimes seen as critical of the government.
But the two men clearly enjoyed a rapport and some Congress leaders found him indulgent of the Modi government on issues such as repromulgation of the ordinance on land acquisition or agreeing to the launch of goods and services tax at a special sitting in Parliament’s Central Hall.
Mukherjee remained unfazed. “Thank you for your kind words & gesture PM Shri Narendra Modi. It was indeed a pleasure meeting you. As you proceed, stronger into the second innings, my good wishes are with you in achieving your vision of ‘Sabka saath, sabka vikas aur sabka vishwas’,” he tweeted.
Meeting Bal Thackeray/ 2012
October 16, 2017: The Times of India
HIGHLIGHTS
NCP leader Sharad Pawar had insisted that Mukherjee meet Thackeray.
Mukherjee said the meeting was aimed at keeping coalition partners like the NCP in good humour with TMC.
He recalls that his visit to Mumbai was significant as Sena had extended support to Mukherjee's candidature.
Congress president Sonia Gandhi was upset with Pranab Mukherjee when he met late Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray despite being advised against it, the third volume of his autobiography has revealed.
On the campaign trail before the 2012 Presidential election, Mukherjee was visiting Maharashtra where Thackeray, who unilaterally extended support to his candidature, had made "elaborate arrangements" for his visit to Matoshree, the Thackeray residence in Mumbai.
Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sharad Pawar, a coalition partner of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA-II) government, had insisted that Mukherjee meet Thackeray.
Mukherjee, in the third volume of his autobiography, "Coalition Years: 1996-2012", justifies his meeting with Thackeray and shows how it was aimed at keeping coalition partners like the NCP in good humour with Trinamool Congress (TMC) leader Mamata Banerjee having already abandoned the UPA.
He recalls that his visit to Mumbai on July 13, 2012, was significant as Thackeray, whose party was part of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), had, without being asked to, extended support to Mukherjee's candidature, which was completely unexpected.
"I had asked both Sonia Gandhi and Sharad Pawar — who was instrumental, I think, in influencing Thackeray towards me — whether I should meet Thackeray during my visit to Mumbai. I had received several messages from him for an interaction at his residence. Sonia Gandhi was not enthusiastic about my meeting Bal Thackeray and (wanted to) avoid it, if possible. Sonia Gandhi's reservations about Thackeray were based on her own perception of his policies," says Mukherjee.
He says that, expectedly, Sharad Pawar's advice was completely different. He insisted that Mukherjee meet Thackeray since he and his followers were waiting to receive the presidential candidate at his residence and had made elaborate arrangements for his visit.
"Pawar added that Thackeray would consider it a personal insult if I did not meet him during my visit to Mumbai. I took a decision to meet Thackeray despite Sonia Gandhi's disapproval because I felt that the man who had broken away from his traditional coalition partner to support my candidature should not feel humiliated. I requested Sharad Pawar to take me to Thackeray's residence from the airport, and he readily agreed to do so," Mukherjee writes.
He describes his meeting with Thackeray as "very cordial" during which the Shiv Sena supremo jokingly said that it was but natural for the Maratha tiger to support the Royal Bengal tiger. "I had known Thackeray as a politician with a sectarian approach, but at the same time I could not ignore the fact that the man had gone out of the way to support my candidature," the former President says, adding that the Sena support to his predecessor Pratibha Patil in 2007 could still be explained because she was from Maharashtra.
"In my case, it was his deliberate decision to support me — he even told me that he found me distinctly different from other Congress politicians. Whatever be the reason, I thought it was my duty to thank him personally for his support.
But when he returned to Delhi, he recalls, the following morning Girija Vyas called on him and informed him that Sonia Gandhi and her political secretary, Ahmed Patel, were upset about his meeting with Thackeray.
"I understood the cause of their unhappiness but, as I have explained, I did what I believed was right. I had to keep in mind the sensitivity of advice of Sharad Pawar — an important ally of UPA-II. Already Mamata Banerjee-led TMC had opted out of UPA and presidential elections. If Sharad Pawar became similarly disenchanted, it wouldn't augur well for the UPA. The UPA had two more years in office as the ruling coalition; without the effective intervention and support of its partners it would not be possible for it to complete the term," he says.
He also recalls that Pawar was already unhappy over various issues and the relationship amongst coalition partners was under stress.
"I did not want to give him further cause for unhappiness. However, I decided not to raise this issue either with Sonia Gandhi or Ahmed Patel, and left the matter at the stage," he says.
Similarly, he recalls that Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar, who was then an ally of the BJP, had promised support to Mukherjee and had asked him not to visit Bihar.
"He said it would be embarrassing for him if he received me at the airport and organised meetings with his MLAs since his alliance partner — the BJP — would not take it kindly. He told me that since he had openly declared his support for my candidature, and Sharad Yadav had, on behalf of his party, signed my nomination papers, there was no need for my visiting Patna," he says.
