Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), Jagmohan

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This is a collection of articles archived for the excellence of their content.<br/>
 
This is a collection of articles archived for the excellence of their content.<br/>
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Additional information may please be sent as messages to the Facebook <br/>community, [http://www.facebook.com/Indpaedia Indpaedia.com]. All information used will be gratefully <br/>acknowledged in your name.
 
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=Guarding the private sector=
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=A brief biography=  
==2013-16: Rs 123 crore from 8 private units==
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[https://epaper.timesgroup.com/Olive/ODN/TimesOfIndia/shared/ShowArticle.aspx?doc=TOIDEL%2F2021%2F05%2F05&entity=Ar01202&sk=4BB54CB2&mode=text May 5, 2021: ''The Times of India'']
[http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Article.aspx?eid=31808&articlexml=CISF-gets-Rs-123cr-from-8-pvt-units-07122016014019 CISF got Rs 123cr from 8 pvt units in 2012-16: Dec 7, 2016: The Times of India]
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Lives are full of twists and turns but only a few represent the kind of turnaround that marked Jagmohan's journey, with the bureaucrat-turned-politician going from being a close member of Sanjay Gandhi’s crew which was blamed for Emergency excesses to being a saffron icon who, as J&K governor, took the bold, if hugely controversial, decision to dissolve the state assembly when Pakistan-fuelled insurgency had threatened to overwhelm the government machinery.
  
The Central Industrial Security Force has received payments of over Rs 123 crore from eight private sector units, including Reliance Industries, Infosys and Baba Ramdev's Patanjali Food and Herbal Park, in 2012-16.
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It is also a story of the opportunities that India offered post-independence to talented and ambitious youth who escaped the communal pogrom in what now forms Pakistan to build their lives from scratch. Born Jagmohan Malhotra in Hafizabad in Pakistan, the former Union minister started off as the ‘third personal assistant’ to former Punjab CM, the legendary Partap Singh Kairon. His meticulous work caught the attention of his seniors and fetched him a promotion to the Provincial Civil Service.
  
Since 2013, Infosys tech offices in Bengaluru, Pune and Mysore jointly paid over Rs 65.43 crore, Reliance Industries paid Rs 58.54 crore since 2013 while Patanjali paid Rs 2.48 crore in the last two years to CISF for providing security to their premises.
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The elevation facilitated his shift to Delhi where, with his skill set, he caught the attention of Delhi’s first lieutenant governor A N Jha whose patronage ensured him key positions such as the housing commissioner of Delhi Development Authority.
  

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Jagmohan, with solid credentials as a “doer” who knew how to negotiate the notorious “red tape” and bureaucratic lethargy to accomplish tough assignments on time, was serving as DDA vice-chairman during the Emergency when former PM Indira Gandhi’s son, Sanjay Gandhi, arguably the most influential person during that infamous spell, decided to launch a beautification drive in the Walled City. The effort was aimed to remove slums from near Turkman Gate so that Jama Masjid could be seen from Connaught Place.
=Personnel issues=
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==2017: Discontentment widespread over HRA, TA=
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[http://epaperbeta.timesofindia.com/Article.aspx?eid=31808&articlexml=Discontentment-widespread-among-CISF-men-04042017012049  Chethan Kumar, Discontentment widespread among CISF men, April 4, 2017: The Times of India]
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Only that the residents refused to buy into the idea. There was resistance and Sanjay responded by sending bulldozers. Many were killed in the firing that followed. While censorship ensured that accounts of what happened did not come out, the Turkman Gate “massacre”, along with forced sterilisations, became one of the defining themes of the 1977 polls, turning Muslims against Congress and contributing majorly to its loss.
  
Discontentment seems to be widespread in the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), with several personnel impleading themselves in cases seeking payment of house rent allowance (HRA) and transport allowance (TA), among others, before the high courts in Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai and Hyderabad.
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Jagmohan, naturally, found himself on the sidelines during the Janata Party regime and was indicted by the Shah Commission which probed judicial excesses.
  
Over 200 CISF personnel deployed at the Kempegowda International Airport in Bengaluru are seeking legal aid over working conditions.
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But with Congress and Sanjay back at the helm in1980, he returned to prominence, landing important assignments as LG of Delhi and Goa.
  
Responding to queries about the cases across the country , Manjit Singh, spokesperson, CISF, told TOI from New Delhi: “The CISF does not fix allowances. It's done by the pay commission and the Seventh Pay Commission is in the process of fixing allowances. We have requested that 100% HRA be provided to all cadres.
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In 1984, he was rewarded with the position of J&K governor, paving the way for a role which brought about a dramatic rupture of links with Congress, endeared him to BJP and defined his legacy.
  
According to petitions in various courts, the demand is not to increase existing allowances. The petition in the Madras High Court, last heard on February 8, 2017, also has similar pleas to those in Bengaluru, where petitioners have sought allowances on a par with their colleagues.
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The five-year tenure beginning in 1984 started on a stormy note with Jagmohan executing Indira Gandhi’s contentious plot to dismiss Farooq Abdullah as CM and replace him with her proxy G M Shah. He defied resistance of vested interests to dramatically improve facilities for devotees of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. It also saw him trying to motivate the administration and security forces to prepare for the growing threat of Pakistan-backed insurgency.
  
The aggrieved parties also argued that despite a Calcutta high court ruling that HRA be provided to petitioners, other commandscentres are not following it. “It has only been implemented at the Kolkata airport, but the concerns are the same,“ one CISF personell aid.
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But his first stint was dwarfed by the second one he served in the strategically crucial state, appointed by the V P Singh-led Janata Dal government in what was seen as an acknowledgement of the steps he had taken against the growing tide of secessionist insurgency.
  
A November 2016 order of the CISF asked officials to im plement the Calcutta court ruling following a petition by constable Bijender Kumar and others. The order says, “It is not necessary to bring on record such other CISF personnel since this order would apply to all the CISF personnel who have not been provided rent-free accommodation and have been put up in barracks at the Kolkata airport. The petitioners and similarly placed personnel would be entitled to receive HRA for the relevant period when no rent-free accommodation was offered or when they were compelled to stay in barracks.
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In a quirk of fate, Jagmohan found himself at the receiving end of Congress under Rajiv Gandhi who had, by then, made up with Farooq Abdullah. Amid growing violence, targeted killings of Kashmiri Pandits and resistance to and criticism of security forces’ response, the governor found himself also having to deal with George Fernandes, who had been appointed as minister in charge of J&K.
  
Similarly , the Hyderabad high court, still hearing some concerns of CISF personnel, has given an interim direction that petitioners must get transport and dearness allowance. The prayers of petitioners in Bengaluru and Chennai -where the last hearing was on February 2017 -are seeking similar intervention.
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The untenable situation came to an end with his dismissal, though BJP’s influence with V P Singh ensured that he was nominated to Rajya Sabha.
  
Asked why some personnel are provided housing and others aren't and some aren't paid HRA, Manjit Singh said: “In case of allowances and other facilities, there are prescribed rules keeping in mind operational require ments. If the ratio of married accommodation and bachelors staying in barracks or hostels is 55:45, it is based on rules framed and they will be implemented at all places.
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BJP's growing affection saw him contesting the 1996 elections on the party ticket from New Delhi. He handsomely defeated his Congress rival, former superstar Rajesh Khanna, and retained the seat in 1998 and 1999. He served as minister for urban development and tourism and culture. Though he did not enter the electoral arena after his defeat in 2004, he remained active and wrote ‘My Frozen Turbulence in Kashmir’, a book which was feted by many as the first insider account of the “subversion” in J&K. The book is also considered to have provided the Modi government with a way out for ending J&K’s special status without having to repeal Article 370 by a constitutional amendment.
  
Responding to the TOI report on April 3, CISF said: “CISF provides accommodation and transportation as per the existing government rules. As far as food is concerned, the quality and hygiene are ascertained by the committee of dining members and senior officers.There has been no complaint about poor quality . Also, there has been no complaint of allegation of harassment by senior officers at KIA.
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A regular in the India International Centre library, Jagmohan remained engaged with the affairs in Delhi, his first love, according to many. Vivek Shukla, a chronicler of contemporary Delhi, noted in his Facebook post that DDA flats in Munirka designed under him were the best ones to have been constructed by DDA.
 
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“However, legal representatives of CISF personnel at KIA maintained they have evidence of harassment and they would submit it to the court.
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Latest revision as of 17:28, 7 May 2021

This is a collection of articles archived for the excellence of their content.
Additional information may please be sent as messages to the Facebook
community, Indpaedia.com. All information used will be gratefully
acknowledged in your name.

[edit] A brief biography

May 5, 2021: The Times of India

Lives are full of twists and turns but only a few represent the kind of turnaround that marked Jagmohan's journey, with the bureaucrat-turned-politician going from being a close member of Sanjay Gandhi’s crew which was blamed for Emergency excesses to being a saffron icon who, as J&K governor, took the bold, if hugely controversial, decision to dissolve the state assembly when Pakistan-fuelled insurgency had threatened to overwhelm the government machinery.

It is also a story of the opportunities that India offered post-independence to talented and ambitious youth who escaped the communal pogrom in what now forms Pakistan to build their lives from scratch. Born Jagmohan Malhotra in Hafizabad in Pakistan, the former Union minister started off as the ‘third personal assistant’ to former Punjab CM, the legendary Partap Singh Kairon. His meticulous work caught the attention of his seniors and fetched him a promotion to the Provincial Civil Service.

The elevation facilitated his shift to Delhi where, with his skill set, he caught the attention of Delhi’s first lieutenant governor A N Jha whose patronage ensured him key positions such as the housing commissioner of Delhi Development Authority.

Jagmohan, with solid credentials as a “doer” who knew how to negotiate the notorious “red tape” and bureaucratic lethargy to accomplish tough assignments on time, was serving as DDA vice-chairman during the Emergency when former PM Indira Gandhi’s son, Sanjay Gandhi, arguably the most influential person during that infamous spell, decided to launch a beautification drive in the Walled City. The effort was aimed to remove slums from near Turkman Gate so that Jama Masjid could be seen from Connaught Place.

Only that the residents refused to buy into the idea. There was resistance and Sanjay responded by sending bulldozers. Many were killed in the firing that followed. While censorship ensured that accounts of what happened did not come out, the Turkman Gate “massacre”, along with forced sterilisations, became one of the defining themes of the 1977 polls, turning Muslims against Congress and contributing majorly to its loss.

Jagmohan, naturally, found himself on the sidelines during the Janata Party regime and was indicted by the Shah Commission which probed judicial excesses.

But with Congress and Sanjay back at the helm in1980, he returned to prominence, landing important assignments as LG of Delhi and Goa.

In 1984, he was rewarded with the position of J&K governor, paving the way for a role which brought about a dramatic rupture of links with Congress, endeared him to BJP and defined his legacy.

The five-year tenure beginning in 1984 started on a stormy note with Jagmohan executing Indira Gandhi’s contentious plot to dismiss Farooq Abdullah as CM and replace him with her proxy G M Shah. He defied resistance of vested interests to dramatically improve facilities for devotees of the Mata Vaishno Devi shrine. It also saw him trying to motivate the administration and security forces to prepare for the growing threat of Pakistan-backed insurgency.

But his first stint was dwarfed by the second one he served in the strategically crucial state, appointed by the V P Singh-led Janata Dal government in what was seen as an acknowledgement of the steps he had taken against the growing tide of secessionist insurgency.

In a quirk of fate, Jagmohan found himself at the receiving end of Congress under Rajiv Gandhi who had, by then, made up with Farooq Abdullah. Amid growing violence, targeted killings of Kashmiri Pandits and resistance to and criticism of security forces’ response, the governor found himself also having to deal with George Fernandes, who had been appointed as minister in charge of J&K.

The untenable situation came to an end with his dismissal, though BJP’s influence with V P Singh ensured that he was nominated to Rajya Sabha.

BJP's growing affection saw him contesting the 1996 elections on the party ticket from New Delhi. He handsomely defeated his Congress rival, former superstar Rajesh Khanna, and retained the seat in 1998 and 1999. He served as minister for urban development and tourism and culture. Though he did not enter the electoral arena after his defeat in 2004, he remained active and wrote ‘My Frozen Turbulence in Kashmir’, a book which was feted by many as the first insider account of the “subversion” in J&K. The book is also considered to have provided the Modi government with a way out for ending J&K’s special status without having to repeal Article 370 by a constitutional amendment.

A regular in the India International Centre library, Jagmohan remained engaged with the affairs in Delhi, his first love, according to many. Vivek Shukla, a chronicler of contemporary Delhi, noted in his Facebook post that DDA flats in Munirka designed under him were the best ones to have been constructed by DDA.

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