Delhi: Political history

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"CM house taken over by police. Huge number of police force enters CM house without any intimation. Police Raj kills democracy in Delhi. Police spread all over inside CM house. If this what they can to do an elected CM, think what they can with poor people!!!" Prakash wrote on Twitter.
"CM house taken over by police. Huge number of police force enters CM house without any intimation. Police Raj kills democracy in Delhi. Police spread all over inside CM house. If this what they can to do an elected CM, think what they can with poor people!!!" Prakash wrote on Twitter.
==Rajouri Garden==
===2013-2017: how top 3 parties fared===
[[File: How top three parties fared, Rajouri Garden, New Delhi.jpg|How top three parties fared, Rajouri Garden, New Delhi; [ The Times of India], April 14, 2017 |frame|500px]]
'''See graphic''':
''How top three parties fared, Rajouri Garden, New Delhi''

Latest revision as of 08:35, 16 January 2020

A timeline, the post of Parliamentary Secretary in Delhi; Graphic courtesy: The Times of India, June 14, 2016; By Bharti Jain, Ambika Pandit & Abhinav Garg

This is a collection of articles archived for the excellence of their content.


[edit] Chief Ministers’ offices, residences

[edit] Kejriwal’s ‘secret room’

February 23, 2018: The Times of India


Mishra, in a tweet, said that room in which the incident took place doesn't have any CCTV cameras and is often used by Kejriwal to conduct "secret deals"

A Delhi Police team was sent to Kejriwal's residence for collecting evidence related to an alleged assault on chief secretary Anshu Prakash

The room in which the alleged assault on Delhi chief secretary by Aam Aadmi Party MLAs took place doesn't have any CCTV camera, claimed rebel MLA of the party Kapil Mishra as Delhi Police conducted raids at chief minister Arvind Kejriwal's residence.

As Delhi Police conducted search operation at the residence of Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal to collect evidence on the 'assault' on chief secretary, Anshu Prakash, rebel AAP MLA, Mishra, in a tweet, said that room in which the incident took place doesn't have any CCTV cameras and is often used by Kejriwal to conduct "secret deals".

"Sources - The room in which chief secretary was assaulted, it can be calls "Kejriwal's cave". There is no camera, CCTV. Kejriwal conducts most of his "secret deals" in this room. A very few people are allowed to enter this room," he tweeted.

A Delhi Police team was sent to Kejriwal's residence in the Civil Lines area for collecting evidence related to an alleged assault on chief secretary Anshu Prakash.

"A police team has been sent to the chief minister's residence for collecting all evidence, including CCTV footage, in connection with the alleged assault on the Delhi Chief Secretary," Additional DCP, North Delhi, Harinder Singh said.

According to Delhi government spokesperson Arunodya Prakash, 60-70 policemen entered the chief minister's residence.

"CM house taken over by police. Huge number of police force enters CM house without any intimation. Police Raj kills democracy in Delhi. Police spread all over inside CM house. If this what they can to do an elected CM, think what they can with poor people!!!" Prakash wrote on Twitter.

[edit] Controversies

[edit] The water tanker purchase of Rs 400-cr/ 2012

Rajshekhar Jha, Water tanker `scam', a Rs 400-cr saga , May 8, 2017: The Times of India

Case Dates Back To 2012; FIR By ACB In 2016 Named Both Dikshit & AAP Govts

The alleged water tanker procurement scam dates back to 2012 when Delhi Jal Board, with the then CM, Sheila Dikshit, as its chairperson, awarded tenders for hiring 385 stainless steel tankers from private companies.

However, the FIR filed by Anti-Corrpution Branch (ACB) in June 2016 mentions both the Dikshit regime as well as the Kejriwal-led AAP government on the basis of two complaints.

On June 19, 2015, the AAP government set up a fact-finding committee on the tanker deal which, in its report submitted in August, alleged a scam of Rs 400 crore. The committee found that a consultant had been appointed arbitrarily on nomination basis, causing a loss of Rs 36.5 crore to the exchequer. Though the tender of a company was rejected on the ground that it was the only application, work was awarded later to another company on the basis of a single tender.The committee said the work was given at higher rates compared to the rates quoted by another firm at Rs 323.9 crore.

After the report was submitted, the then DJB chairperson, Mishra, wrote to CM Kejriwal, asking for an FIR to be lodged against those involved in the scam.

On June 16, 2016, the then LG, Najeeb Jung, forwarded the report to ACB for appropriate action after leader of opposition Vijender Gupta wrote to him deman ding a probe against Kejriwal as well for not scrapping the contract. Soon, ACB of the Delhi government registered the FIR on the basis of Mishra's report as well as the complaint given by Gupta.

The FIR was registered under Section 13 (1D) -misuse of power -of Prevention of Corruption Act, along with two sections of IPC-Sections 120B and 409. While IPC 120B refers to hatching a criminal conspiracy , Section 409 deals with criminal breach of trust by a public servant.

Thereafter, ACB questioned Mishra on the report submitted by him. In July 2016, it sent a notice to Dikshit. ACB also questioned the members of the fact-finding committee to understand how they conducted the inquiry and arrived at the figure as the loss of revenue due to the alleged scam.

In August, it finally examined Dikshit. A four-member team went to her home and handed her a list of 18 questions for written replies.

[edit] Political parties’ fortunes

[edit] 2013-15

Assembly seats held by the various political parties in Delhi, 2013-15
From: January 7, 2020: The Times of India

See graphic:

Assembly seats held by the various political parties in Delhi, 2013-15

[edit] Voters

[edit] Voters, by age and gender, 2017, ’18

Voters in Delhi, by age and gender, 2017-18
From: January 13, 2018: The Times of India

See graphic:

Voters in Delhi, by age and gender, 2017-18

[edit] 2020

Atul Mathur, Number of voters up by over 3L since 2019 polls, January 7, 2020: The Times of India

More than 1.46 crore people will cast their votes to elect the seventh legislative assembly of the National Capital Territory of Delhi on February 8.

Chief electoral officer (CEO) of Delhi Ranbir Singh said the final electoral roll, as on January 1, 2020, was published on Monday. According to it, Delhi has 1,46,92,136 voters — 80,55,686 men, 66,35,635 women and 815 people belonging to the third gender.

The Delhi election office has disposed of all applications received till December 16 during the month-long summary revision. “But that does not mean that those filling up the forms now won’t be eligible to cast their votes in the upcoming assembly polls. All applications received till the last date of filing of nominations (January 18) will be included in the supplementary list to ensure that no eligible voter is left out of the election process,” Singh said.

He also said every voter should check the final electoral roll, which is available online and at the voter registration centre in each constituency, to ensure that his name exists on the roll.

According to the data, 3,64,678 more people are eligible to cast their votes this time compared with the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. Last May, Delhi had 1,43,27,458 registered voters.

In comparison with the last assembly polls in 2015, the voter count has increased by over 16 lakh. The gender ratio of voters has also improved. While in January 2015, the number of women for every 1,000 male voters was 802, the figure has gone up to 824. Tilak Nagar constituency has the highest gender ratio of 951, while Okhla has the lowest at 677.

During the summary revision exercise, which started with the publication of the draft roll, 2,47,950 voters were added and 60,848 deleted, registering a net increase of 1,87,102 electors, the CEO said. The names of over 12 lakh voters, which could not be verified during an elector verification programme carried out in last September-October, have been kept in a separate list. “These voters could not be verified during our doorto-door verification drive. We will keep special focus on them if they turn up to cast votes,” Singh said.

A detailed exercise of rationalising polling stations was also carried out to decongest the existing ones and merge those having inadequate number of voters. “As a result, the number of polling stations has decreased from 13,816 to 13,750 and that of polling locations from 2,700 to 2,689. This means the requirement of manpower will be less to conduct the polls,” said an election official.

The voter’s slip given to each electorate by the district electoral officers will have a QR code, which will be scanned by polling officials at a helpdesk as soon as the voter enters the polling station, said an official. “A voter’s entry and exit will be recorded in a database through an app. This way, we will know how many voters have exercised their franchise,” Singh said.

Before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, AAP, the ruling party in Delhi, had alleged deletion of names belonging to various communities on the behest of BJP. Singh said no such complaint had been received from any political party this time.

[edit] Voters, by age

Sidhartha Roy, Over 2 lakh first-time voters to exercise franchise, Matiala has maximum at 7,000, January 7, 2020: The Times of India

When Delhi last voted in the assembly elections in 2015, the number of first time voters—those in the age group of 18 to 19—was 1.7 lakh. In the upcoming February elections, more than 2 lakh first-time voters will be eligible to exercise their franchise. Since the last assembly elections, the total number of voters has gone up by 16 lakh.

In 2015, first-time voters comprised 1.3% of the total electorate. Their percentage this time has gone up slightly to 1.4% (2,08,883 voters).

Matiala constituency, which has the largest electorate of 4.1 lakh voters, also has the highest number of first-time voters — 7,184.

Interestingly, out of the five constituencies with highest number of first- time voters, three, including Matiala are in outer Delhi, with the other two being Burari (5,616) and Bawana (4,615). The constituency with second highest number of young voters is Vikaspuri (6,153) and at fifth position is Badarpur (4,607) in Delhi’s southern fringe.

Another welcome improvement in Delhi’s voter profile since the last assembly elections is the gender ratio of voters. While in January 2015, the number of women voters for every 1,000 male voters was 802, the figure has gone up to 824 now. Tilak Nagar constituency has taken the lead with a gender ratio of 951, while Shakur Basti is second at 943. Tughlaqabad had the lowest gender ratio of 638 in 2015 but this time it is Okhla that is at the bottom with a gender ratio of 677. Tughlaqabad is at the second lowest point with a gender ratio of 680, a big improvement from 2015 figures.

The top four constituencies when it comes to gender ratio are in west and north Delhi—Tilak Nagar, Shakur Basti, Rohini (920) and Rajouri Garden (911). East Delhi’s Krishna Nagar (911) is at the fifth position. All the five constituencies with the lowest gender ratios are in south Delhi—Okhla, Tughlaqabad, Delhi Cantt (712), Sangam Vihar (726) and Badarpur (731).

With Matiala topping the list of constituencies with largest electorate, the other top four are Vikaspuri (3.9 lakh), Burari (3.5 lakh), Okhla (3.3 lakh) and Badarpur (3.1 lakh). Chandni Chowk, with an electorate of 1.2 lakh, remains the constituency with the smallest electorate, with Matia Mahal and Delhi Cantt with just slightly higher number and Ballimaran and New Delhi with electorate of about 1.4 lakh each. While it is the third in the list of constituencies with smallest electorate, Delhi Cantt tops the chart when it comes to electors to population ratio with a whopping figure of 96.1%. The New Delhi constituency, located not very far from Delhi Cantt, has the lowest electors to population ratio of 46.7%.

[edit] Voting patterns

[edit] 2013-19

Confident BJP, charged-up Cong eye AAP’s city crown, May 24, 2019: The Times of India

Just ahead of the assembly elections in 2020, the results of the Lok Sabha polls have altered the political landscape of the city. With BJP way ahead of other parties, Congress has the satisfaction of reclaiming a lot of the ground it had ceded to AAP. The ruling AAP, in the third place, is staring at a dismal scenario.

The results have come as a shot in the arm for BJP which has been out of power in Delhi for more than 20 years now. Though the party had scored a resounding victory in the 2014 parliamentary elections, it failed to capitalise on the advantage in the 2015 assembly polls amid a strong pro-AAP wave that saw the ruling party in Delhi getting a record mandate by winning 67 seats in the 70-member house.

With AAP on a sticky wicket now, BJP will be looking at repeating the performance eight months from now. “We are fighting the Delhi election in two phases. The first phase has just got over and we got a huge support from people. The second phase will take place in January next year,” said Delhi BJP chief Manoj Tiwari. “We already have our party in a majority in the three municipal corporations. We are forming the government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership at the Centre and will have a BJP government in Delhi next year.” He said that AAP is a party of liars and it will be removed from Delhi by people. “Delhi chahe Modi ka saath,” he said.

Though he led BJP to victory in the 2017 municipal polls and all Lok Sabha seats have now been taken with bigger margins under his leadership, it remains to be seen if Tiwari will be third time lucky.

The state elections are usually fought on local issues. While AAP claims to have done “revolutionary work” in education and health, which has resonated with people, BJP’s performance in the three corporations has been riddled with complaints of corruption and incompetence. Senior party leaders agree that they will have to take corrective steps to ensure that this does not adversely affect the assembly elections.

AAP has only eight months to regain lost ground. The full statehood issue doesn’t seem to have resonated with voters. The party will have to focus more on delivering on its promises rather than lapsing time and again into blaming the central government and the multiplicity of agencies in the capital for different gover nance issues.

AAP, however, feels that the party was ignored since this was a national election. It points to the fact that though it was defeated on all seven LS seats of Delhi in 2014, it went on to win the 2015 assembly elections with a huge margin.

Congress, meanwhile, will be charged up. Completely wiped out in the last parliamentary and assembly polls, it will be looking at sustaining its momentum. Senior Congress leaders say they never hoped to win a single seat in the Lok Sabha polls, but having secured a 22.5% vote share, up from 15.2% in 2014 and 9.7 % in 2015, the party sees a great opportunity.

“Our performance shows that people of Delhi see Congress as the real alternative to BJP and AAP does not enjoy the same confidence. Those who voted for AAP in previous elections are coming back to us. In the 2020 assembly elections, Congress and BJP will be the main rivals and AAP will be wiped out,” said Delhi Congress spokesperson Jitender Kochhar.

[edit] 2015

[edit] Winter session longest in history

The Times of India, Dec 06 2015

2015 winter session longest in history 

The Delhi Assembly's winter session that concluded on Friday was the longest in the history of the legislature here in which 11 sittings of the house were held and business conducted for 43.30 hours against the scheduled 38.30 hours, speaker Ram Niwas Goel said. The house in session saw the introduction and passage of 15 Bills, including the “historic“ Janlokpal Bill. A total of 253 question notices were rece ived while 244 notices for special mention and 42 notices for short duration discussions were also received during the sittings, Goel said.

Issues like increasing pollution in Delhi and shortage of night shelters were also raised through 42 calling attention motions in the house.

Twenty-one notices were received for private members' resolutions and two days were earmarked for taking up of the same.

[edit] 2015-2018

[edit] AAP’s fortunes and the OOP case

Ambika Pandit, AAP sailed with 67 MLAs but some have tried to rock the boat, January 20, 2018: The Times of India

See graphic:

2015-2018, AAP’s changing fortunes and the parliamentary secretaries, OOP case

2015-2018, AAP’s changing fortunes and the parliamentary secretaries, OOP case
From: Bharti.Jain, January 20, 2018: The Times of India

The AAP government came to power with a formidable majority — 67 out of 70. The ship is afloat with 66 now, but the story has changed a lot since February 2015. A few have turned rebels, a few have been suspended and two constituencies have witnessed bypolls. Now, with 20 MLAs staring at disqualification in the office-of-profit case, AAP faces a situation in which byelections may turn into a referendum on its performance. The party will be tested on its “pro-poor” agenda, its subsidy-driven governance and its core focus areas of education and health. Also with the Supreme Court verdict on powers of Centre and state due in February, the AAP story may see more twists and turns in public glare.

In the two bypolls in 2017, AAP lost Rajouri Garden and won Bawana. The seats had fallen vacant when Rajouri Garden MLA Jarnail Singh was made to resign to enable him to fight in the Punjab elections and Bawana MLA Ved Prakash quit to join the BJP.

Given the simple majority of 36 needed in a house of 70, the AAP government is under no threat of a collapse even if, for argument’s sake, it loses all 20 seats. However, with its formidable majority eroded, AAP could face the danger of not only losing its edge politically but also its moral posturing as a party with a difference. In any such eventuality, the Opposition will spring to life as it is at present a miniscule four of the BJP.

Among the 46 AAP MLAs who will remain, if the disqualification of 20 comes through, there are quite a few who have rocked the boat and brought under scrutiny AAP’s ideology of fighting corruption and occupying the high moral ground.

They may technically be AAP MLAs, but the party has rebels like Kapil Mishra (Karawal Nagar) and Devendra Sehrawat (Bijwasan). While Sehrawat took on the ruling party in 2016, Mishra embarrassed the party and shocked the city with his allegations of corruption, particularly targeting Arvind Kejriwal and his minister, Satyendra Jain. AAP was quick to suspend the two from the party but their membership as MLAs was not cancelled.

There are others like Jitender Singh Tomar (Tri Nagar), Asim Ahmed Khan (Matia Mahal) and Sandeep Kumar (Sultanpuri) who continue as MLAs and AAP members but carry the tag of “sacked ministers.” All three were unceremoniously ousted by the ruling dispensation. Timarpur MLA Pankaj Pushkar has been seen as an AAP MLA once very critical of AAP’s policies and is considered close to Swaraj Abhiyan founder Yogendra Yadav. His hot-and-cold equation makes him stand out as a man the party chooses to address with caution.

While both Congress and BJP are preparing to tear into AAP over the office-ofprofit issue, the ruling party says it will fight back. Whatever the outcome, AAP chief spokesperson Saurabh Bhardwaj has threatened to launch a public campaign to highlight case-wise the appointment of parliamentary secretaries across different states by both BJP and Congress. “We will highlight the case of the Congress government in Delhi too where a parliamentary secretary to the CM was appointed by Sheila Dikshit,” he added.

“We will go out to the public and show them documents and make videos to explain the issue of office of profit and the notification on the apppointment of these parliamentary secretaries. They got no financial benefits, no perks. Yes, the order did say that that they use an official vehicle for work. Is that reason enough for disqualificaiton when these people got no benefits,” Bhardwaj asked.

It is learnt that the Delhi government has been giving a lot of emphasis on developmental work in these 20 assembly constituencies, sources in AAP said. However, the party agrees that garnering financial support to fight a fresh round of elections will be a challenge.

[edit] 2015-Feb 2018: AAP govt. vs the officers

2015-Feb 2018: AAP govt. vs the officers
From: Ambika Pandit, February 21, 2018: The Times of India

See graphic:

2015-Feb 2018: AAP govt. vs the officers

[edit] Uneasy relations between the AAP and officers

Ambika Pandit, Politics in capital strained, transfer of civil servants no longer punishment, February 22, 2018: The Times of India

Bureaucrats and AAP government- an uncomfortable journey so far, 2015-February 2018
From: Ambika Pandit, Politics in capital strained, transfer of civil servants no longer punishment, February 22, 2018: The Times of India

Once a sought-after posting for babus of the Union territory cadre of the Indian Administrative Service (AGMUT), Delhi is now associated with a bitter tug-ofwar between the Aam Aadmi Party government and the bureaucracy. As things stand today, a transfer to Goa or Mizoram is no longer seen as a punishment and a move to the Centre is a relief rather than a promotion.

The overtly political centre-state tussle has come to define the dynamics of governance in the city. In a statement on Wednesday, the IAS, DANICS and DASS associations said that the alleged attack on the chief secretary amounted to a “functional crisis and breakdown of governance”. The bodies added, “This is the culmination of a series of incidents of officers being subjected to verbal abuse and intimidation by political authorities.”

Indeed, over three years the relations between the bureaucrats and political executive have remained constantly turbulent. Last year, there was a very public spat with then chief secretary MM Kutty, who must have been pleased to move to the Union finance ministry after a year in Delhi. PWD and vigilance secretary Ashwini Kumar also found himself in the firing line over desilting of drains, before being sent to Puducherry as chief secretary.

This year, Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board CEO Shurbir Singh has been in the eye of a storm over a bank-related case being scrutinised by a committee of the Delhi Assembly. Jayadev Sarangi, secretary in charge of information and publicity in Delhi government, has similarly found himself being hauled up for procedures involved in the issuing of advertisements. There also is Keshav Chandra, who was drawn into a controversy after expressing dissent as CEO of Delhi Jal Board and is now in the Union ministry of commerce.

The list of those who were once in Delhi’s key departments but have since been posted in central ministries has grown longer since 2015, when the first tussle broke out after the then lieutenant governor appointed IAS officer Shakuntala Gamlin as acting chief secretary. She was accused of not following the AAP government’s orders and of toeing the centre’s line in delaying files. Her colleagues, like Dharampal, who once held charge of the home department, Chetan Sanghi, whose portfolios including vigilance and urban development, and Chandrakar Bharti, who was in the health and environment departments, too had torrid relationships with the state government.

The bone of contention has been the “rule book”. In most of these cases, the government has decried the officers not following its directions. Delhi high court’s judgment of August 5, 2016 only gave the political executive the reason to complain, “The LG appoints the bureaucrats, we have no say and thus they do not follow our directions.”

What started in 2015 as an odd fight was firmly established as an established feature of Delhi’s governance in 2017. In between, 2016 began on a sour note with the CM reacting strongly to the protest leave availed of by DANICS and IAS officers in December 2015 and ended with the associations of bureaucrats belonging to the AGMUT cadre of IAS and DANICS adopting a resolution against “injustices of any kind by the political executive of the Delhi government meted out to the officers of the state government in discharge of their duties.”

While 2017 witnessed a more public wrangling between the babus and the government, 2018 has begun on a new low that threatens to adversely impact governance in the city.

[edit] 2016

[edit] Office of profit issue

Bharti Jain, June 14, 2016:The Times of India

The AAP government was elected in February 2015 with a brute majority of 67 seats in an assembly of 70. BJP had just three MLAs while Congress had none.

Kejriwal government dealt with its problem of plenty by accommodating MLAs as parliamentary secretaries without first shielding them from the office of profit law.

In June 2015, the Delhi government had moved the amendment to the Delhi Members of Legislative Assembly (Removal of Disqualification) Act, 1997. It sought to exempt the parliamentary secretaries from the office-of profit disqualification provisions retrospectively , so that “necessary benefits and perks could be given to them to enable them to execute their duties“. These parliamentary secretaries to ministers don't figure on the list of posts exempted from the office-ofprofit rule as of now. The appointments have been questioned repeatedly .

The assembly had passed the Bill without the prior approval of the LG or the Centre

Section 15 of the government of NCT of Delhi Act, 1991 says a person shall not remain an MLA if he or she holds any office of profit under the Centre or government of a state or UT.

The legislator can escape disqualification only if the office is declared -by law made by Parliament, state legisla ture or UT -as a post that does not attract loss of membership. The fate of the MLAs will now be decided by the Election Commission that is considering a petition seeking their disqualification. Elaborating on the Presi dent's grounds for rejec tion of the bill, a home ministry official said the law was clear that what constitutes an “office of profit“ and what does not must be pre-defined.“Applying exemptions with retrospective effect is unconstitutional,“ the official said. The view in official circles is that with the President rejecting the bill, the post of parliamen tary secretary is clearly an `office of profit' and the disqualification of the AAP MLAs is all but a foregone conclusion.

President Pranab Mukherjee in June 2016 rejected the bill passed by the Delhi assembly seeking to exempt 21 AAP MLAs appointed as parliamentary secretaries from the purview of `office of profit' criteria.

The rejection of the bill will not affect the ongoing proceedings in the EC on a petition filed by lawyer Prashant Patel. “Just as court cases go on independent of each other, the EC will continue to hear the petition...the end result, however, may well be the same, that is, disqualification of the 21 MLAs,“ said an official.

The President's refusal to give assent for bringing an amendment to the Delhi Members of Legislative Assembly (Removal of Disqualification) Act, 1997 has cast a shadow on the future of the 21 parliamentary secretaries appointed by the Aam Aadmi Party government through an administrative order last year. The Election Commission of India has, meanwhile, been looking into the office of profit allegation under a petition.

AAP was holding an emergency meeting on Monday night to discuss the crisis, with Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal in the chair. The govenrment's restlessnes was evident as the CM took to twitter to mount his defence.He yet again chose to hit out at Prime Minister Narendra Modi, saying that “Modi does not respect democracy . He is only scared of AAP“. In a series of tweets, he said: “We did not give a single paisa to any MLA, neither car nor bungalow. All MLAs were working for free. Modiji says sit at home, don't do any work.“ He added: “One MLA was put in charge of power, one of water and another of hospitals and one MLA of schools. Modiji says neither will I work, nor will I let anyo ne work.“

According to constitutional experts, the President's refusal has moved the 21 MLAs one step closer to certain disqualification. The EC has alredy issued these MLAs a show-cause notice on the same ground earlier, and Monday's decision by the President denies the exemption Kejriwal wanted to give them for shielding them from disqualification under Office of Profit rules.

Legal experts said the role of EC is now largely academic and procedural since the head of state has in a way settled the issue. Former solicitor general Mohan Parasaran told TOI that once the “President has decided not to accord his assent, the complaint before EC doesn't survive. It remains an academic discussion since the President has decided on a higher plane.“

The former secretary general of Lok Sabha, Subhash C Kashyap, agreed. “The legal position is that having occupied an office of profit, these 21 MLAs stand disqualified. Disqualification has to be done by President in consultation with EC under Article 192.“

An AAP government spokesperson, however, claimed that this was not the end of the road as the amendment to the legislation was aimed at bringing the parliamentary secretaries under the category exempted from disqualification on grounds of office of profit so that they could be given some “essential perks“ which they were not getting now. As far as the petition in EC was concerned, the spokesperson argued that this was a different matter as it was not about the legislation but on the question of whether these MLAs come under the purview of the “office of profit“. He added: “We have been arguing repeatedly that they do not come under the office of profit as they don't get any financial benefits.“

[edit] 2016: LG-CM showdown kept city on tenterhooks

Ambika Pandit, Dec 30, 2016: The Times of India

When LG-CM showdown kept city on tenterhooks

Jung's Exit Marks New Start, But Baijal May Not Let Govt Breathe Easy Either

Customary competition for power between the state and central governments is particularly complex in the case of Delhi because of various interpretations of the statutes regarding the governance of the capital. While chief ministers of the semi-state and the lieutenant governor, the constitutional authority , have managed not to step on each other's toes too often in the past, the wrangling between the two offices has been vexatious in the recent past. His never-ending quarrels with chief minister Arvind Kejriwal over administrative prerogatives may in fact have hastened the decision of Najeeb Jung not to see out 2016 as Delhi's LG.

In the war over the interpretation of the laws on Delhi's governance, several state government orders were struck down as being ultra vires by Jung. The LG's office claimed a constitutional position as the final arbiter on appointments and posting of state officials in Delhi, a view that seemed to have been confirmed by Delhi high court when it reserved administrative authority for the LG on August 4. The court ruling prompted Jung to call for files from all government departments for a review by a committee he appointed, consisting of former CAG VK Shunglu, former CEC N Gopalaswami and former CVC Pradeep Kumar. The incoming LG will now have to deal with the several legal irregularities that the panel is believed to have listed in its report.

During all this, AAP adopted the political strategy of describing itself as the victim of the politics of the PM and BJP. This will be tested in the assembly elections in Goa, Punjab and Gujarat in 2017. On home turf too, the game plan will be subjected to electoral assessment in the municipal elections in March or April next year.

After a massive election victory in 2015, the AAP government chose to set aside certain procedural norms, like having the LG clear policies or legislative bills before enactment. When Jung pointed out the legal lapses in such a trend, AAP promptly accused the LG of being the centre's agent, acting on its behalf to block Delhi's development. Every time it happened, the party pitted itself as an elected government being derailed by an appointed authority .

Among the issues over which the government had the bitterest dispute was control of the bureaucracy . The year began with the mass protest leave by DANICS and IAS officers on December 31, 2015, and ended with bureaucrats belonging to the AGMUT cadre of IAS and DANICS officially adopting a resolution against “injustices of any kind by the political executive of the Delhi government meted out to the officers of the state government in discharge of their duties“. In between, there were numerous run-ins over postings and transfers.

[edit] 2018

[edit] Centre sacks 9 advisers to Kejriwal govt

Alok KN Mishra, Centre sacks 9 advisers to Kejriwal govt, says posts not on approved list, April 19, 2018: The Times of India

An Attempt By BJP To Undermine Reforms Undertaken By Govt: Sisodia

Nine advisers to the Arvind Kejriwal government were sacked on Tuesday following a directive of the Union home ministry. This sparked a fresh round of confrontation between the AAP government and the Centre.

The development has robbed the Kejriwal government of all its advisers except two of CM Kejriwal. Deputy CM Manish Sisodia tore into PM Narendra Modi, alleging that it was an attempt by the BJP-led Centre to undermine the reforms undertaken by the AAP government to improve the standard of education in Delhi government schools.

Four of the nine had already quit due to different reasons and only five were still occupying the posts. AAP had appointed them as domain experts after coming to power in 2015. The most prominent among the nine is Atishi Marlena, an Oxford University alumna who is credited with leading the educational reforms of the government for a salary of Re 1 per month, and Raghav Chadha, who was appointed adviser to Sisodia for around three months for a salary of Re 1. Chadha had quit in March 2016.

The MHA said these posts were “not on the list of posts approved for the ministers and chief minister of Delhi”. “No prior required approval of the central government has been taken for the creation of these posts,” said the order from the general administration department.

The order has clarified that since in Delhi services is a subject reserved for the central government, the posts created by the Delhi cabinet are invalid. There is, however, no possibility of recovering the salaries given to these advisers.

A services department release said that all consequential action under law on these “illegal” appointments could also be taken.

Sources in the government said that the posts already existed in the previous government and some appointments were made with prior approval from the LG’s office. For other appointments, the AAP government had sent the files for ex-facto approval to LG.

Justifying the appointments, Sisodia said, “The BJP-ruled MP government appoints babas, but we appoint an Oxford graduate for Re 1 per month and they (BJP) do not allow them to work. The appointments were made against pre-existing coter minus posts.”

The government called it a “conspiracy to remove Marlena”. Without her, the pace of reforms in education would slow down, the government fears. “The minister has the right to appoint co-terminus aides. Nine people were sacked to show that one person is not being targeted,” said an AAP government source.

“Their main target is Marlena and the Centre thinks it can stop the ongoing reforms in education. Why is the Modi government scared of her work? The improvement in the fields of education has made Modi uncomfortable,” said Sisodia.

AAP spokesperson Chadha, however, alleged that the decision to sack the advisers was taken after the Centre’s attempts to stop the reforms of the AAP government by pitting the bureaucrats against the elected government failed. “It is also an impressive diversionary tactic by the home ministry at the behest of BJP to divert attention from the spate of rapes, cash crunch etc,” Chadha added.

[edit] 2019

[edit] An overview

December 31, 2019: The Times of India

2019 News Makers

Taking pole position

It was a year of ups and downs for Arvind Kejriwal, but the Delhi chief minister emerged stronger by the end of it. While his efforts to stich an alliance with Congress for the Lok Sabha polls resulted in a loss of face, a more conciliatory approach towards the Centre, coupled with a slew of welfare measures, put him and his Aam Aadmi Party in a comfortable situation

Different strokes of protest

Delhi had a new protest hotspot as scores of differently abled railway job aspirants descended on Mandi House roundabout twice in a span of a month. Traffic was thrown out of gear in Central Delhi on October 23, as over 200 protesters lay siege. They left a day later following assurances from the railways, only to return on November 26. This time, they stayed put for 11 days before being evicted by police

Serial winner’s last bow

Frail, but not short on enthusiasm, threetime former CM Sheila Dikshit’s new innings as Delhi Congress chief certainly created ripples. The 81-year-old strongly resisted attempts by some party colleagues to forge a pre-poll pact with AAP and led Congress to the second position in five of the seven seats. Her sudden death in June came as a shock

Many storms in his tea cup

Each of his past four years as JNU VC was mired in controversy and 2019 was no different. M Jagadesh Kumar stirred a hornet’s nest by outsourcing entrance exams to NTA and making attendance compulsory for all. Things came to a head when JNU decided to hike hostel fees

Tearjerking story

Onions sold costlier than apples, spicing up city politics. Delhi BJP blamed AAP government, which, in turn, put the ball in the Centre’s court. Delhi government’s move to sell the essential commodity through 70 mobile vans and 400 ration shops at Rs 23.9 per kg brought temporary relief, only for the prices to shoot up again to reach Rs 120 per kg at certain locations. BJP MLAs wore garlands of onions to the assembly as a mark a protest, sparking a ruckus

Waste, wonder and woes

The wonders of the world came to Delhi in February: metal scrap was converted into replicas of global architectural icons, such as Taj Mahal, Great Pyramid of Giza, Eiffel Tower and Leaning Tower of Pisa, and people made a beeline to the seven-acre park at Sarai Kale Khan. The roads couldn’t cope, though, and there were massive traffic jams on Ring Road, prompting the corporation to look for answers to the parking woes

[edit] Students’ agitations in JNU, Jamia And DU

From new laws to new lows: Campuses burn, January 1, 2020: The Times of India

Fee Hikes And Citizenship Act Bring Students Of JNU, Jamia And DU To The Streets

The universities in the capital had a particularly eventful year in 2019. While protests overwhelmed Jawaharlal Nehru University at frequent intervals, Delhi University and Jamia Millia Islamia too saw a lot of ferment. The ripple effect was felt in several other institutes of higher education. Academic activities, even exams, made way for heated arguments about both institutional administration and national policies.

JNU was the theatre of the most strident protests. If the fight against the ban on entry to the Parthasarathy Rocks and the legal drama surrounding the students’ union polls were raucous enough, the real furore began on October 28, when the students stood up against the hike in hostel fees. It was a stand-off that caught attention across India and caused a headache for the Union human resource ministry.

The hostel fees issue took on the dimension of “commercialisation of education” and “anti-student government policies” and students across the country lent support to the fight. After the talks between the JNU administration and the rebels reached a deadlock, the HRD ministry stepped in, but it too failed to resolve the issues as December rolled into 2020. The confrontation at the university reached a high point with the students boycotting the semester examinations, forcing the administration to scramble for alternative means such as conducting exams on WhatsApp and email. Such ideas only earned the scorn of the teachers, who by and large also wrangled with the authorities through the year.

In Delhi University, teachers gave protest a new meaning on December 4 by storming the vice-chancellor’s office, housed in what was once the abode of ultimate authority, the Vice Regal Lodge. The cause of war was the termination of ad hoc teachers. DU’s letter of August 28 mandated only the appointment of guest teachers against vacancies arising for the first time in the current academic session, leading to halting of salaries of a few. Though the HRD ministry offered relief to the university’s ad hoc teachers recently, the issue of their absorption may perhaps find resolution only in 2020.

In between, there was a hubbub in October over the alleged whitewashing of the Azadi Wall at Ambedkar University Delhi, proudly painted till then in the rainbow colours of the LGBTQIA community.

As the year came to an end, the focus turned to Jamia Millia University, where a series of protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act and National Register of Citizens led to violence on December 15 and alleged illegal presence of police on the campus. Initially called by Jamia teachers, the protest rode on student power to gain mass following across the country. Several institutions, including IIT-Delhi, and eminent individuals rose up in solidarity. Among them, alumnus Rahul Roy said, “I am proud that Jamia is where the movement against CAA began.”

[edit] See also

Delhi: Assembly elections

Delhi: Political history

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