Karnataka: political history
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Historical political icons
From: Naheed Ataullah & Rakesh Prakash, May 16, 2018: The Times of India
See graphic:
Karnataka’s historical political icons
State flag
The demand, in brief
Johnson T A, July 19, 2017: The Indian Express
Why the flag of Kannada pride has triggered a row
A longstanding demand by Kannada activists for an official state flag exploded into a major controversy on Tuesday, triggering allegations of subverting the Tricolour, and playing the political field ahead of Assembly elections. While Chief Minister Siddaramaiah maintained that nothing unconstitutional was afoot and dared the BJP to publicly reject the demand for an official flag for Karnataka, lost in the political noise were the realities of Kannada subnationalism, and the distinction, articulated by a Home Ministry official in New Delhi, between the “people” and the “state”.
The background
In 2014, Patil Puttappa, a 96-year-old veteran journalist and Kannada activist, and Bheemappa Gundappa, a 56-year-old RTI activist, made a demand for an official flag for Karnataka. On June 6 this year, the Kannada and Culture Department of the state government notified the setting up of a nine-member committee to examine the feasibility and legal issues around the demand. The matter had been reported in the local media at the time, but it was picked up again, and projected as an effort by Karnataka’s Congress government to subvert the national flag and the laws that allow only Jammu and Kashmir to have its own flag. Attack, counterattack BJP MP Shobha Karandlaje alleged the government was “going against the nation” by setting up the committee to look into the demand for a state flag. BJP leaders alleged that the Congress was trying to whip up Kannada pride ahead of the 2018 elections. Janata Dal (Secular) leader H D Kumaraswamy said there is no provision in the Constitution for a state flag. “The Congress government is using this issue to divert attention from some recent controversies,” he said.
Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, who has often sided with pro-Kannada activists on issues of local pride, rejected the allegations. “We have constituted a committee to look at the issues in the creation of a state flag. Based on the recommendations of the committee we will take a decision. Karnataka already has an official state song and there is a feeling that there is nothing wrong in having a state flag,” he said. “Having a state flag will not disrupt the unity and integrity of the country and will not reduce the stature of the national flag,” the Chief Minister added. “The national flag will always fly higher that the state flag, there are no two ways about it. Most importantly, the Constitution of India does not ban such flags,” he said.
“An attempt has been made to create a controversy. It is wrong of BJP leaders to spread misinformation. Let them state publicly that there is no need for an official flag for Karnataka. The committee has not been constituted with the Assembly elections in mind. The polls are scheduled only for May next year,” Siddaramaiah said. The committee is yet to meet to discuss the issue, said G S Siddaramayya, chairman of the Kannada Development Authority, who is part of the nine-member panel. In New Delhi, however, the leadership of Siddaramaiah’s own party betrayed nervousness at the turn of events. Sources in the Congress said the party high command felt the issue could be used by the BJP to attack it. It was “out of the question” for the Congress to accept a separate flag, a senior leader said. AICC general secretary in charge of Karnataka, K C Venugopal, said: “The Chief Minister has already given a clarification. They have not decided anything. The Culture Department of the state has set up the panel. It is not at the Chief Minister’s level. The committee will see whether the demand is admissible… legal points have to be looked into… The BJP wants to create a problem.”
A flag since the 60s
Incidentally, Karnataka has had an unofficial state flag since the mid 1960s when pro-Kannada groups were agitating against the screening of non-Kannada films in the state. The red and yellow flag was created by Kannada writer and activist Ma Ramamurthy for a pro-Kannada political party called the Kannada Paksha, after he observed that many parties representing non-Kannadigas had flags of their own. This unofficial flag is flown every year on November 1, Karnataka’s foundation day, and is a common sight at public places. Pro-Kannada activists have virtually adopted the red and yellow flag as a symbol of state pride. During agitations and protests like those over the sharing of Cauvery water with Tamil Nadu, the red and yellow banner often serves as protection against attacks by mobs — and private vehicles fly the flag in an attempt at ensuring safe passage for themselves. BJP flip-flop
In 2012, Karnataka’s BJP government accorded official status to the Karnataka flag through a notification. Chief Minister D V Sadananda Gowda said in his 2012 Budget speech that it would be compulsory to hoist the state flag on government buildings, schools and colleges. However, Kannada activist Prakash Shetty went to the High Court saying that rival activist T A Narayana Gowda was misusing the state flag for personal gain. During the hearing of the case, the then Chief Justice of Karnataka High Court, Vikramajit Sen, raised questions on the legality of states having their own flags when the law permitted only the national flag to be flown officially. The government then said it would not make it mandatory to fly the state flag. Eventually, on October 4, 2012, it withdrew the notification ordering the hoisting of the Kannada flag on government offices on November 1. People and state
In New Delhi, a Home Ministry official told reporters that “We are one nation, one flag”, but “legally, there is no provision either for providing or prohibiting a separate flag for any state”. This issue had been raised earlier too, but such a flag only represents “the people and not the state”, the official said. The Kannada flag was not raised on Republic Day or Independence Day, but on occasions like the state’s foundation day, Ministry sources noted.
February 2018/ Karnataka’s State Flag proposal
February 8, 2018: The Indian Express
If adopted with clearance from the MHA, Karnataka will be the second state after Jammu and Kashmir to have an official state flag. Karnataka has had an unofficial state flag since the mid-1960s, used to signify local pride.
A committee constituted last June by the Kannada and Culture department of the Karnataka government to examine the feasibility of having a separate flag for the state has submitted its report, recommending an official three-coloured flag to replace an unofficial two-coloured one currently used to signify local pride.
Led by chairman of Kannada Development Authority G S Siddaramaya, the nine-member committee has recommended a flag with the yellow and red of the unofficial flag to be separated by white in the middle with the state symbol on it.
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah said the issue will be put up for consideration by the state cabinet before it is forwarded to the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) for clearance.
The recommendation for an official flag for the state has not, however, been well-received by a few leaders of pro-Kannada groups who have built an identity by working under the banner of the unofficial red and yellow flag.
“The colors recommended for the flag by the panel is not representative of the state. We will oppose this flag if the state government accepts the recommendation,’’ veteran pro-Kannada activist Vatal Nagaraj has stated. If adopted with clearance from the MHA, Karnataka will be the second state after Jammu and Kashmir to have an official state flag.
Karnataka has had an unofficial state flag since the mid-1960s, when pro-Kannada groups, including Nagaraj’s, were agitating against screening of non-Kannada films in the state. The red-yellow flag was created by Kannada writer and activist Ma Ramamurthy for a pro-Kannada political party called the Kannada Paksha. This unofficial flag is flown every year on November 1, Karnataka’s foundation day, and is a common sight at public spaces in the state.
2018: Clearance by the cabinet
Chethan Kumar, March 8, 2018: The Times of India
It's almost official now. The proposed yellow-white-and-red flag with the state’s symbol "Gandaberunda" at the centre was formally unveiled by Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, whose cabinet is likely to clear the proposal to have a separate flag for Karnataka later in the day.
A nine-member committee had in February submitted a favourable report recommending such a flag for the state nearly nine months after it was constituted. TOI was the first to report that the proposed flag will be a Tricolour and that it would be of yellow, white and red colours, and the government on Wednesday confirmed the same design.
Officials said that the committee was of the opinion that white, symbolising peace, captures Karnataka’s image best along with the two other two colours that have become synonymous with the Kannada identity.
Another official said that the government — after the Cabinet approval — will be writing to the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) seeking an amendment to the Flag Code, 2002. “The government will be seeking an amendment to enable provisions of including the Karnataka flag also as one of the symbols in the Flag Code,” the official said.
If the Centre does consider and give its nod for the said amendment, Karnataka will only be the second state in the country to have its own flag after Jammu and Kashmir, which is allowed to have a symbol under Article 370 of the Constitution.
An MHA official from Delhi had told TOI earlier that while there is no provision allowing or disallowing such a flag, there has been no precedence.
“I think the issue is quite serious and it will be seriously examined by the (Union) government. A thorough examination will be required to see what kind of precedent this would set. Also, nuances like what would be the protocol and code for the flag among other issues,” he had said.
Presently, the Flag Code recognises only one flag—the Tricolour—and has rules citizens and organisations must follow to maintain its dignity. If there is an amendment made to accommodate Karnataka’s proposed flag, it will be for the first time that such a symbol has been added to the Code and may pave way for other states to also propose similar symbols in the future.
Voting pattern
2008, 2013, 2014: Congress vs. BJP
March 28, 2018: The Times of India
From: March 28, 2018: The Times of India
_in_Karnataka.jpg)
From: March 28, 2018: The Times of India
From: March 28, 2018: The Times of India
HIGHLIGHTS
Retaining Karnataka is crucial to Congress's claim to being the main anti-BJP force for the 2019 Lok Sabha polls.
BJP needs a win to regain the momentum it lost after SP and BSP came together to win two prestigious UP bypolls.
The Karnataka poll — the results of which will be announced on May 15 — is already heated with BJP and Congress keenly aware of the importance of the prize: A loss will rob Congress of one of two major states in which it is still in office while BJP needs a win to regain the momentum it lost after SP and BSP came together to win two prestigious UP bypolls despite a saffron victory in Tripura.
2013 (Assembly), 2014 (Parliament)
_and_2014_(Parliament).jpg)
From: April 21, 2018: The Times of India
See graphic:
The pattern of voting in Karnataka in the elections of 2013 (Assembly) and 2014 (Parliament)
Year-wise events
2018
After the elections threw up no clear winner
From: Naheed Ataullah & Dhananjay Mahapatra, SC holds hearing at 1.45am after Cong-JD(S) asks it to block Yeddy’s swearing-in at 9am, May 17, 2018: The Times of India
Parties File Joint Petition After Governor Gives BJP 15 Days To Prove Majority In Assembly
After another day of intense political drama in Bengaluru, the action shifted to New Delhi late Wednesday night as the Congress and JD(S) moved the Supreme Court in a bid to stop B S Yeddyurappa, leader of the 104-strong BJP in the Karnataka assembly, from being sworn in as chief minister at 9am today. The 11th-hour legal manoeuvre by the newly minted alliance came after governor Vajubhai Vala invited Yeddyurappa to take oath as CM and gave him 15 days to prove his majority, a decision that instantly triggered a raging controversy because it is seen to give the BJP ample time to entice Congress and JD (S) MLAs-elect to switch sides.
SC officials gathered at the CJI’s residence and went through the petition. There was only one previous instance of the SC agreeing to a late night hearing — when a three-judge bench was set up to hear a plea seeking postponement of the death sentence awarded to Mumbai blasts convict Yakub Memon. One of the judges on that bench, Justice Dipak Misra, now the CJI, set up another three-judge bench of Justices A K Sikri, S A Bobde and Ashok Bhushan to consider the Congress-JD(S) petition. It was announced that the hearing would begin at 1.45am.
The hearing was still on at the time of going to press and it was unclear whether Congress-JD(S) would get the relief they seek. Their arguments revolve around stating that BJP has presented no evidence that it can get the additional eight MLAs it needs to reach the majority mark and the invitation to Yeddyurappa would ensure horse trading.
Congress was represented by Abhishek Manu Singhvi, BJP by former attorneygeneral Mukul Rohatgi and the Centre (read governor) by additional solicitor general Tushar Mehta.
Rohatgi and Mehta were expected to argue that the discretion of the governor cannot be challenged and there were sufficient precedents to support his decision.
Appealed only for conscience vote: BJP
In case the low-key swearingin ceremony goes ahead at Raj Bhavan, it is likely to be skipped by both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP chief Amit Shah. Vala ignored the Congress-JD(S) combine’s claim that their chief ministerial nominee H D Kumaraswamy be given the first opportunity to form the government as the two parties with 116 MLAs between them enjoy a clear majority in the House, which has an effective strength of 222.
Though the decision of the governor, who served as a minister in the BJP government in Gujarat before taking up the constitutional office, was along anticipated lines, it attracted a furious response from Congress and JD(S), which accused him of shaming the Constitution. The two parties rushed to CJI Dipak Misra in the night to secure a “stay” order. They also sought a direction from the court to the governor to invite Kumaraswamy to form the government.
Seeking quashing of the governor’s decision, joint petitioners KPCC chief G Parmeshwara and JD(S) president Kumaraswamy said, “Failure of the governor to invite Congress-JD(S)-BSP alliance which together commands a clear majority of 116 legislators in the assembly is ex facie unconstitutional, illegal and arbitrary.”
Besides privileging Yeddyurappa over Kumaraswamy on the ground that BJP finished as the single largest party, the governor was also attacked for giving Yeddyurappa a fortnight to secure a vote of confidence from the assembly, with Congress alleging that the window would be used to manufacture a mandate. “Fifteen days will be used to turn 104 into 111,” former finance minister P Chidambaram said.
Earlier in the day, Kumaraswamy alleged that BJP had offered bribes of Rs 100 crore and a ministerial berth each to JD(S) MLAs to rustle up numbers. Congress also accused BJP of indulging in “horse trading” and spirited its MLAs away to a “safe house” resort in Bidadi, about 30 km south of Bengaluru, to ward off the risk of temptations trumping party loyalty. JD(S) also secured its MLAs at a five-star hotel close to Raj Bhavan.
Independent MLA R Shankar symbolised the tussle for MLAs. The lawmaker was found at Yeddyurappa’s house in the morning. By evening, he was back with the Congress-JD(S) combine and accompanied them to Raj Bhavan. Shankar, a Kuruba like outgoing CM Siddaramaiah, later said he believed the best interests of his constituents would be served by him being with the Congress.
BJP denied the “horse trading” charge and was upfront in acknowledging that it had appealed to MLAs of rival parties to exercise a “conscience vote” — shorthand for a call to defy whips issued by Congress and JD(S).
According to BJP sources, they have already identified MLAs from Congress and JD (S) who can be persuaded to “heed their conscience”. The exercise is focused on Lingayat MLAs belonging to Congress and JD(S) from north Karnataka who, the calculation goes, will have trouble accepting the leadership of Kumaraswamy, a Vokkaliga, and will, instead, prefer to support Yeddyurappa since he is from their community.
The sources admitted that organising the required numbers may not be easy, but hoped to accomplish the “challenge” because of what they called unrest among MLAs of both Congress and JD(S) over the “unnatural alliance” between the two parties.
Congress circles asserted that they would successfully fend of BJP’s efforts to take away their MLAs. “We are vigilant and capable leaders like D K Shivakumar have been given the job to protect the flock. Also, most of our MLAs won against BJP in a bitter battle and will be loath to cross over to the rival camp,” said a senior party leader in Delhi. However, he acknowledged that half a dozen JD(S) MLAs aligned with Kumarswamy’s estranged sibling Revanna could be vulnerable to “generous” offers from BJP. Congress was also not sure whether the lone BSP MLA would be steadfast in his support to the non-BJP camp.
Sriramulu emerges tallest in Ballari
Sandeep Moudgal, Sriramulu emerges tallest in Ballari, May 16, 2018: The Times of India
The Reddy brothers sealed a spectacular rehabilitation into BJP with four from the ‘Reddy group’ winning assembly seats. But it was Ballari MP B Sriramulu who capped his phenomenal rise by wresting Molkalmuru in Chitradurga, outside Ballari.
Once perceived as a lackey of the Reddy brothers, the mining barons of Ballari, the rise of Sriramulu, popularly known as Ramulu, is one for the story books. In this assembly election, seven tickets were given to the Reddys, family members and friends included. Four of them lost. But G Somasekhara Reddy (Bellary City) and G Karunakara Reddy (Harapanahalli) came out victors.
BJP went back to the Reddy brothers to help them in the assembly polls as well as the 2019 Lok Sabha election. With mining czars Anand Singh and B Nagendra, as well as the Ghorpade family, backing Congress, Reddy brothers are the sole mine runners still with BJP.
In this context, Sriramulu was a vital bridge for BJP to maintain close ties with tainted mining baron Janardhana Reddy while publicly staying aloof. As a close aide and friend of Janaradhana Reddy, Sriramulu has become an indispensable component in BJP’s scheme to take the reins of power in Karnataka.
The 46-year-old Sriramulu derives his strength from his Valmiki or Nayaka community (7-8 % of the state electorate) and can be the rallying force for the party considering there are no rivals to stake claim for leadership of the community.
Asked about the likelihood of Sriramulu becoming deputy CM in the event of BJP forming the government, BJP national president Amit Shah neither confirmed nor denied it.
Old enemies turned political friends
How old enemies turn political friends, May 16, 2018: The Times of India
Who said you need friends to form a government? Sworn enemies can bury the hatchet in a flash to for m a gover nment. For years, Congress’ Siddaramaiah has feuded with former Prime Minister and JD(S) leader H D Deve Gowda. But after Tuesday’s results in the Karnataka election, Siddaramaiah has had to accept Gowda’s leadership following a power-sharing deal hammered out by the two parties.
Siddaramaiah and Gowda have a long history — the former was once Gowda’s protégé. But in 2005, Siddaramaiah walked out of JD(S) in a huff after Gowda anointed his son H D Kumaraswamy as his successor.
It is not the first time that foes have turned friends in an effort to gain the top spot. Across the country, last-minute alliances and quick friendships have been forged to for m gover nments.
In April 2015, for instance, when Rashtriya Janata Dal chief Lalu Prasad held the hand of Janata Dal (United) supremo Nitish Kumar and declared him chief ministerial candidate, it seemed like incredible. Onetime colleagues Lalu and Nitish had a bitter falling out and the latter had joined hands with BJP to become Bihar CM for two terms. But they did come together in 2015, only to acrimoniously part ways again.
In Uttar Pradesh, Bahujan Samaj Party president Mayawati and Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav struck an alliance for the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha byelections in March 2018, ending decades of rivalry and hostility. Mayawati, and Akhilesh’s father Mulayam Singh Yadav had a bitter row in 1995 when she decided to pull support from an SPled coalition government. SP cadres allegedly laid siege to the state guest house to thwart the withdrawal of support. As controversy erupted, the governor dismissed Mulayam and invited Mayawati to form the government.
Further west, Maratha strongman Sharad Pawar revolted against Sonia Gandhi over her “foreign origin” and broke from Congress to form Nationalist Congress Party in May 1999.
But, months later, in September 1999, when the Maharashtra assembly elections threw up a hung mandate, Pawar was back at the Congress’ doorstep seeking a coalition.
The Congress-NCP combine went on to rule Maharashtra for 15 years.
See also
And also
Karnataka: Assembly elections, 2018
Karnataka: caste, mutts and elections
Karnataka: Parliamentary elections
Karnataka: political history
