Central Bureau of Investigation: India
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Autonomy
SC’s 2019 verdict
Dhananjay Mahapatra, Don’t interfere with CBI autonomy: SC, January 9, 2019: The Times of India
Five years after CBI earned the ‘caged parrot’ moniker over its then director going to the political executive for vetting a coal scam probe status report meant only for the Supreme Court, the apex court on Tuesday said Parliament always intended to insulate the agency from external influences.
Quashing the Centre’s October 23 order divesting director Alok Verma of all powers, SC warned all authorities to keep away from “interfering in the functioning of the CBI director”. However, it said: “In a situation where such interference may be called for, public interest must be writ large against the backdrop of necessity”. However, it clarified that such a necessity could only be tested by the Selection Committee comprising the PM, Leader of Opposition and CJI or his nominee.
A bench of CJI Ranjan Gogoi and Justices S K Kaul and K M Joseph said the stipulation in the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act that the CBI director cannot be transferred except with the prior consent of the Selection Committee would convey that the panel’s prior consent is mandatory not only for transfer but also for any action amounting to tinkering with the two-year fixed tenure of the CBI chief.
The CJI said if prior consent of the panel was confined only to transfer, such an interpretation would “clearly negate legislative intent” and would make it easy for the government “to effectively disengage the CBI director from functioning by adopting various modes... which may not amount to transfer but would still have the same effect as a transfer from one post to another, namely, cessation of exercise of powers and functions of the earlier post”.
After an in-depth consideration of the development of legislation in the light of SC judgments, the CJI-led bench said: “(It) leaves us with no doubt the clear legislative intent in bringing the aforesaid provisions to the statute book are for the purpose of ensuring complete insulation of the office of the CBI director from all kinds of extraneous influences, as may be, as well as for upholding the integrity and independence of the institution of the CBI as a whole.”
SC added that “the head of the institution.. therefore, has to be the role model of independence and integrity, which can only be ensured by freedom from all kinds of control... except to the extent that Parliament may have intended. (That) would require all authorities to keep away from intermingling or interfering in” the chief ’s role.
CBI investigations: who can order?
HC can order CBI probe
From the archives of The Times of India 2010
HC can order CBI probe: SC
Swati Deshpande | TNN
Mumbai: A five-judge constitution bench of the Supreme Court headed by the Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan, on Wednesday adjudged that the country’s high courts can order a CBI probe into a case without the assent of a state government, while also cautioning that such powers should be used sparingly, and only in matters of national or international importance.
The SC was hearing the West Bengal government’s petition challenging the Calcutta high court order of a CBI probe into the Midnapore firing in which 14 Trinamool Congres workers were killed. The WB government argued that law and order was a state subject and that a CBI probe without the state’s nod would be a ‘‘destruction of the federal character of the Constitution’’. West Bengal was the main petitioner along with some southern states.
But, taking a stand based on the ‘‘higher principle of constitutional law’’, attorney general Goolam Vahanvati argued that the powers of the high courts and the Supreme Court under Articles 226 and 32 were coupled with a strong obligation to prevent injustice in sensitive cases and to protect the fundamental rights of citizens. The SC bench agreed with him, and dismissed the petition. Until now, the CBI conducted probe in any state only with prior consent of the concerned government under the provisions of the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act.
The five-judge Constitution Bench headed by Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and Justices R V Raveendran, D K Jain, P Sathasivam and J M Panchal agreed unanimously with Vahanvati but said the power must be exercised sparingly in ‘‘exceptional and extraordinary circumstances.’’ Otherwise, the CBI will be flooded with such directions in routine cases, the bench said.
Directors of CBI
2017-...: Alok Verma
Appointment of the CBI Chief, Jan 20 2017: The Times of India
Govt appoints Delhi top cop as new CBI chief
Alok Verma Gets PM & CJI's Nod, Kharge Dissents
The government has approved the appointment of Delhi Police commissioner Alok Verma as the new CBI chief in keeping with the recommendation of the selection committee.
The proceedings of the three-member collegium comprising PM Narendra Modi, Chief Justice of India J S Khehar and leader of Congress in Lok Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge, proposed the appointment by a majority decision.
Kharge gave a dissenting note, stating that the selection should be on the basis of both seniority and merit. It is understood that he had pitched for the candidature of R K Dutta, currently special secretary in the home ministry . Kharge reportedly gave his dissent note on selecting Verma citing that he had no experience of having served in CBI and he also had very little vigilance experience.
The PM and the CJI, however, felt that Verma was well suited for the job and his seniority should be taken into account.Verma will assume charge at a time when the agency is being accused by political parties of motivated probes in the context of cases against Trinamool and AAP leaders.
The decision comes ahead of the hearing in Supreme Court on Friday on a plea filed by an NGO challenging the appointment of Rakesh Asthana as acting director of the CBI after the retirement of Anil Sinha.
Official sources said Verma, a1979 batch IPS officer from the Arunachal Pradesh-Goa-Mizoram and Union Territories cadre, has been appointed CBI director for a period of two years by the Appointments Committee of Cabinet from the date he assumes office. Verma, 59, was due to retire from service in July and will now have a fixed tenure of two years. He had worked in various positions in Delhi Police, Andaman-Nicobar Islands, Puducherry , Mizoram and the Intelligence Bureau. Verma, who took charge as Delhi police chief in February last year, is likely to join in a couple of days. The CBI director's post has been lying vacant since Anil Sinha retired in the first week of December. Soon after, Asthana, a 1984 batch IPS officer from Gujarat cadre, was named interim director.
He took charge of Delhi Police from B S Bassi after relinquishing charge as director general of Tihar Jail. Verma, who will be the 27th director of CBI, has not worked in the agency before. Verma takes over at a time when the CBI is probing several crucial cases including the Rs 3,767 crore VVIP chopper scam, in which former IAF chief S P Tyagi was arrested last month. Several defence scandals, the Embraer deal, coal and 2G scams, chit fund cases, Vyapam scam, NRHM scam and non-performing assets of public sector banks are other cases being probed by the agency .
While deciding Verma's name, the collegium had also discussed the names of three other strong contenders R K Dutta, Maharashtra DGP Satish Mathur and ITBP director general Krishna Chaudhary .
Verma's appointment will also leave Delhi police headless and the government will have to soon choose the next commissioner. Two senior IPS officers Dharmendra Kumar and Deepak Misra -are in line for the post.
Directors investigated by CBI
A P Singh
Neeraj Chauhan, CBI books one of its ex-chiefs for corruption, Feb 21 2017: The Times of India
AP Singh Faces Probe In Moin Qureshi Case
The Central Bureau of Investigation has booked its former director, A P Singh, as an “accused“ under the Prevention of Corruption Act to probe his association with meat exporter Moin Qureshi, allegedly a middleman for senior officers and politicians.
The agency conducted raids at Singh's residence in Defence Colony , the premises of Moin Qureshi and another key accused and Hyderabad-based businessman Pradeep Koneru and others in Delhi, Ghaziabad, Chennai and Hyderabad. It is the first time that CBI has on its own initiated a probe against its ex-director in a corruption case.CBI's probe against another former chief of the agency, Ranjit Sinha, who succeeded Singh, was at the instance of the Supreme Court. Among other things, CBI has based its case against Singh on BlackBerry messages exchanged. Many messages mentioned in the FIR refer to amounts Qureshi allegedly deposited in the accounts of Singh's daughter, Ragini Behrar, who was in London.The alleged exchanges have Qureshi regretting a dip in transfers during what he called a “lean season in meat business“ and Singh's daughter thanking him for making her “so rich“.
In another message allegedly sent by BBM to Qureshi, who was identified by the Enforcement Directorate as a middleman for certain public officials, Singh purportedly asked him to get a packet delivered at 37, Slaidburn St, presumably an address in London. Another BBM message cited in the FIR has Qureshi seeking help for a “family friend“, a former chairman of a public sector bank who was being investigated in agraft case. Singh, in his reply to Qureshi on BBM, said that the chargesheet had already been filed in the case and Qureshi's family friend could get help only from the court.
The exchanges between the two continued after Singh had left CBI and one of the alleged exchanges on BBM show Qureshi trying to help an aviation logistics firm for which he had planned to approach two senior politicians. Singh responded by suggesting that Qureshi approach someone else, a person whose surname matched that of a powerful minister.
A 1974 batch IPS officer, Singh headed the probe agency between November 30, 2010 and November 30, 2012, when the Congress was in power.His tenure saw the arrest of former telecom minister A Raja and several corporate bigwigs in connection with the 2G spectrum allocation scam, former Indian Olympics Association chief Suresh Kalmadi in the 2010 Commonwealth Games scam and the Aarushi-Hemraj murder probe. He was appointed a member of the Union Public Service Commission by the UPA government. However, a tax evasion probe by the income tax department against Qureshi brought out their close links. The probe saw the Modi government putting his appointment in the deep freezer, leading Singh to decline the appointment.
In a report filed in SC in October 2014, on the basis of the I-T department probe, attorney general Mukul Rohatgi had said, “The report reveals an astonishing state of affairs (that is) wholly unbecoming and revealing the shocking conduct of a former CBI director, now a member of the UPSC. He was in regular touch with Qureshi and there were BBM exchanges between them on a daily basis and that too in code language.Many of the messages clearly revealed plans to save the accused in many cases.“
In 2016, Qureshi had managed to leave the country without informing any authority despite having a lookout circular against him. He, however, came back in a few days.
Controversial cases
Moin Akhtar Qureshi
Neeraj Chauhan, How one case took down three agency directors, October 25, 2018: The Times of India
After a year of squabbling between CBI director Alok Verma and special director Rakesh Asthana, both were sent on leave — and the man at the centre of the controversy once again was Moin Akhtar Qureshi, who was also behind the downfall of two CBI chiefs, A P Singh and Ranjit Sinha.
The millionaire meat exporter from Kanpur faces multiple investigations, ranging from tax evasion to money laundering and corruption. He is also accused of spending large sums through hawala transactions and other modes to oblige government officials, including CBI officers and politicians.
His name first cropped up in 2014, when it was found that he visited then CBI chief Ranjit Sinha’s residence at least 70 times in over 15 months. Hyderabad-based businessman Sathish Babu Sana, who now figures in the fight between Verma and Asthana, reportedly told the Enforcement Directorate (ED) last year that he had paid Rs 1 crore to Qureshi to get bail for his friend in a CBI case through Sinha.
The Supreme Court came down heavily on Sinha for his meeting with accused persons or suspects and he came under the CBI scanner. The allegations against Sinha revived calls for reforming CBI and more oversight in its working. Sinha, who headed the CBI from 2012 to 2014, has repeatedly denied all charges.
Later in 2014, it turned out that Qureshi had exchanged messages with another CBI director, A P Singh, who headed the agency from 2010 to 2012. The income tax department and the ED probed the matter initially and in February last year, the CBI too registered a case against Singh to probe his links with Qureshi. The allegations cost Singh his ‘member’ post in Union Public Service Commission as he had to step down. Singh too has denied all charges against him and says the CBI is yet to even contact him.
The Qureshi probe has now cost Alok Verma his job, as the government on Wednesday divested him of all his powers and duties.Asthana has alleged that Verma took Rs 2 crore bribe from Sana, a suspect, to give relief in the Qureshi case while Verma filed an FIR against Asthana last week alleging that the latter took Rs 3 crore from Sana.
Qureshi rose to become India’s biggest meat exporter after starting a small slaughterhouse in Rampur, UP, in 1993. He established more than 25 companies spreading across sectors including construction and fashion in last 25 years.
Directors’ terms
Why CBI chief’s tenure is unique
Bharti Jain, October 25, 2018: The Times of India
The sanctity of CBI director’s fixed two-year tenure is unique vis-a-vis other secretary-level posts with its mandate from the Supreme Court. The fixed tenure enjoyed by the cabinet secretary and secretaries of home, defence and foreign as well as directors of Intelligence Bureau and RAW, on the other hand, is governed by executive rules that can be altered by a minister’s order.
Perhaps that is why in the past, governments led by both Congress and BJP have shunted out senior bureaucrats midway through their “fixed” two-year terms.
A senior IAS officer said while the fixed tenure rule was provided for certain posts in All-India Services Rules, they were only executive rules and could be changed with mere approval of the minister.
The cabinet secretary’s post was the first to get a fixed two-year term. The UPA government later included secretaries of home and defence secretary. A former secretary (personnel) said while the fixed two-year term was specified for certain posts, it was silent on early curtailment. “But one can always send a bureaucrat on leave, prevail upon him to resign or opt for early retirement,” said another officer.
Pressures on CBI
…especially when probing politicians; 1948- 2018
Connection counts in India, especially to keep the police, or the CBI, at bay. Since independence, ruling political parties have maintained a firm grip over investigating agencies and the prosecution and decide when a criminal case should be filed against an opponent and a pending case against a friend be closed. The police, the CBI or the prosecution seldom had the independence to chart the course of politically sensitive cases.
Immediately after independence, then India’s high commissioner to the UK V K Krishna Menon ignored protocol and signed a Rs 80 lakh contract with a foreign firm for supply of 200 jeeps to the Army. Contract money was paid upfront but only 155 jeeps reached India. A probe began but was abruptly closed by then PM Jawaharlal Nehru, who forced home minister G B Pant to shut the files. Menon’s proximity to the then PM came handy. Since then, the ruling class has never let go an opportunity to dictate the course of investigation in a case to the CBI. Often, pliant CBI directors complied with political diktats, unconcerned with the merit of cases.
In the last 22 years, constitutional courts have unfolded the blatant interference in CBI probes into politically sensitive cases. First was the JMM MPs bribery case, where the Congress government led by P V Narasimha Rao attempted to misdirect the CBI probe right from the time of registration of FIR. A tenacious Delhi HC bench of Justices Y K Sabharwal and D K Jain had scooped out the details.
Rashtriya Mukti Morcha had lodged a complaint with the CBI on February 1, 1996, alleging that the Congress government won the vote of confidence in July 1993 by a wafer thin majority after buying votes of MPs from JMM and JD-A. It had produced account details of one JMM MP, who had naively deposited the bribe money in the bank. Despite clear evidence, the CBI headed by K Vijaya Rama Rao diluted the FIR so as to prevent embarrassment to PM Rao. The director was caught redhanded by the HC bench, admonished and the CBI was ordered to register a proper FIR.
Ironically, the Rao government had set up a commission headed by N N Vohra in July 1993 to unearth the unholy politician-bureaucrat-police-mafia nexus. The nexus continues to prosper despite the Vohra committee identifying the malaise and suggesting remedial measures, which never got seriously implemented.
Then came the coalition era at the Centre and the Bofors scam. For decades, the case was on and off the CBI’s burner depending on the political strength and manoeuvring of Congress, which was erecting and dismantling coalition governments at its whim. The gun proved its mettle but the CBI lost credibility. One of the main suspects Ottavio Quattrocchi escaped the law. The Congress government allowed de-freezing of his London account. It also refused permission to appeal in the Argentina SC for his extradition. As the gun silenced its opponents in the Kargil war, lapse of time numbed the prosecution. The Delhi HC quashed the case. The CBI took more than a decade to file an appeal in the SC.
In 2003, the SC ordered the CBI to register an FIR against BSP chief Mayawati in the Taj Heritage Corridor scam. The probe meandered on and off track, depending on BSP’s usefulness to the central government. In 2006, the then AG agreed with the CBI that the case needed closure. The SC sought the opinion of the CVC, which said there was enough evidence to prosecute her. The CBI finally decided to file a chargesheet but UP governor T V Rajeswar declined sanction based on a 262-page opinion given by a law officer of UPA.
When Mayawati was in the good books of Congress-led UPA, Mulayam Singh Yadav was not. On a PIL, the SC had ordered a probe by CBI into Malayam and his family’s disproportionate assets. The agency proceeded with zeal and came out with meticulous details of his and family members’ income to tell the SC that there was enough evidence to prosecute Mulayam and his family members.
Political equations change dramatically. It was Mulayam and his party’s sizeable number of MPs which bailed out the UPA government in Parliament over the India-US nuclear deal, which caused Left parties to leave the coalition. The seasoned Mulayam demanded his pound of flesh. An indebted Manmohan Singh government readily obliged and the CBI accomplished a seemingly difficult task of re-calculating the assets’ value and sheepishly inform SC that the Yadavs’ had no disproportionate assets.
The CBI has competent investigating officers, who have time and again displayed their ability to crack difficult cases which did not involve politicians. The Ghaziabad PF scam, in which the scanner was on some constitutional court judges, was probed fearlessly. But the CBI top brass showed rubbery backbones and bent to the wishes of the ruling dispensation whenever it took up investigations into politically sensitive cases.
The list of beneficiaries and sufferers are many and include Lalu Prasad, Rabri Devi, Shibu Soren and Ajit Jogi. The heavy feet of the agency were best exhibited in the criminal case relating to demolition of Babri Masjid, which started in December 1992 and is still dragging on.
The CBI’s instinctive reflex action to bend before political power was palpable in the SC monitored coal scam probe. The agency director had rushed to get its probe status report, to be filed in the SC, vetted by UPA law minister Ashwani Kumar before putting it before the SC bench. This was unacceptable to the SC as it was getting the feel of the scam reaching the doors of PM Manmohan Singh. This action of the CBI, coupled with its past approach of being obedient to the master, led the SC to christen it ‘caged parrot’, a tag that the agency is finding difficult to shed.
The systematic dismantling, destruction and devaluing of CBI has been going on with impunity for decades. What we will see in future could be worse, unless someone with integrity and firm backbone assumes leadership of CBI. The sooner it is, the better it will be for the country.
International ambit
2016
CBI director Anil Sinha said in 2016 that 392 of its criminal investigations, which have international angles to them, are pending in 66 countries.
The central anti-corruption agency has many investigations where it needs information from several countries including 2G scam, AgustaWestland scam, the defence scandal related to Embraer and India deal. CBI is India’s nodal agency for the transnational organised crime, Interpol, anti-corruption and bank frauds. (The Times of India)
Jurisdiction
Limits of CBI jurisdiction
Can States bar the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) from functioning in their territory?
Yes. The CBI is a national agency with police powers. Its primary jurisdiction is confined to Delhi and Union Territories. As policing (detecting crime and maintaining law and order) is a State subject, the law allows the agency to function outside only with the consent of the States. Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal have withdrawn their general consent to the CBI to operate within their territories.
Has it happened before? And why?
There are several instances of State governments withdrawing their consent. There was even an instance in Sikkim, when the State withdrew its consent after the CBI registered a case against former Chief Minister Nar Bahadur Bhandari, and before it could file a charge sheet. The most common reason for withdrawal of consent is a strain in Centre-State relations, and the oft-repeated allegation that the agency is being misused against Opposition parties. The decision by Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal has come amid concerns being voiced by Opposition parties that Central agencies such as the CBI, Enforcement Directorate and Income Tax Department are being used against them.
Under what law is it done?
The CBI draws its power from the Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act. The Home Ministry, through a resolution, set up the agency in April 1963. Under Section 5 of the Act, the Central government can extend its powers and jurisdiction to the States, for investigation of specified offences. However, this power is restricted by Section 6, which says its powers and jurisdiction cannot be extended to any State without the consent of the government of that State.
What is the impact of States taking back their consent?
The withdrawal of general consent restricts the CBI from instituting new cases in the State concerned. However, as decided by the Supreme Court in Kazi Lhendup Dorji (1994), the withdrawal of consent applies prospectively and therefore, existing cases will be allowed to reach their logical conclusion. The CBI can also seek or get specific consent in individual cases from the State government.
How has the consent issue played out?
In most cases, States have given consent for a CBI probe against only Central government employees. The agency can also investigate a Member of Parliament. Apart from Mizoram, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh, the agency has consent in one form or the other for carrying out investigations across the country.
What happens to cases in which there is a demand for a CBI probe?
The Supreme Court has made it clear that when it or a High Court directs that a particular investigation be handed over to the CBI, there is no need for any consent under the DSPE Act. A landmark judgment in this regard was the 2010 Supreme Court decision by which the killing of 11 Trinamool Congress workers in West Bengal in 2001 was handed over to the CBI.
2018: AP, Bengal withdraw “general consent”
The fight between oppositioncontrolled states and the BJPled Centre intensified dramatically on Friday with Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal forbidding CBI and other central agencies from operating within their boundaries.
In a marked escalation, governments led by Chandrababu Naidu and Mamata Banerjee, both of whom are busy trying to erect an anti-BJP front, withdrew the “general consent” extended to the CBI.
Naidu justified the move by saying the CBI had been reduced to a tool for blackmail by the Centre, an accusation which was soon endorsed by Banerjee as she followed suit.
“The CBI has lost its credibility,” the Trinamool boss said. West Bengal, incidentally, was the first state to open its doors to the CBI.
BJP alleged that a “coalition of corrupt parties” was taking shape in the country and the party would raise this issue at all political platforms. “Recent happenings in the CBI have been cited as a lame excuse and a ruse to brazenly save the corrupt and extend political patronage to people and organisations involved in acts of corruption and criminality,” BJP’s G V L Narasimha Rao said.
In fact, Andhra Pradesh’s move was not limited to the CBI. It withdrew consent also with regard to implementation of 63 central Acts and 188 different sections of the IPC — a drastic move which many in the government believe might hinder probe and action by central agencies that deal with offences such as hijacking, smuggling of antiquities, and those covered under central laws dealing with arms, atomic energy, benami transactions, customs, explosives, passports and money-laundering.
Personnel issues
Dir Verma vs, SplDir Asthana
From: Neeraj Chauhan, No. 1 vs No. 2 war in CBI escalates, DSP in Asthana’s team arrested, October 23, 2018: The Times of India
From: October 24, 2018: The Hindu
From: October 24, 2018: The Hindu
From: October 25, 2018: The Times of India
Govt May Ask NSA Doval To Examine Facts
The internal war within India’s premier investigative agency, the CBI, escalated with the arrest of DSP Devender Kumar, who, along with special director Rakesh Asthana, has been accused of taking Rs 3 crore in bribes from businessman Sathish Babu Sana.
The action against Kumar, whose office was searched by the agency, was seen as a declaration of intent by CBI director Alok Verma to take the FIR against his rival Asthana to its logical culmination and
as a pointer to the sordid lengths to which the factional blood-letting might go.
The agency has named Asthana as accused number one in its FIR registered on October 15 on the basis of a complaint from Sana, promoter of Playboy Club in Hyderabad. Another accused in the case, Dubai-based investment banker Manoj Prasad, has already been arrested.
The repercussions of the strife will travel beyond what happens to the combatants; it has opened a bloody sore at the heart of the government. Besides threatening to chip at its claim of strong and decisive governance, it raises questions about the fate of sensitive cases being handled by Asthana, like the ones against Vijay Mallya and the AgustaWestland scam. The matter was already causing concern to the government and there were indications that NSA Ajit Doval might be asked to look at the facts.
Asthana was said to be exploring legal options in the face of what sources close to him ter med a “vicious effort” by Verma and other factional rivals, as well as a few working for other agencies, to thwart him from becoming the CBI chief by “framing” him in a “false corruption case”. The CBI was yet to show recovery of the bribe amount that DSP Kumar and Asthana allegedly extorted from Sana.
As reported earlier, Sana was being probed by an SIT led by Asthana for a suspicious transaction of Rs 50 lakh with Moin Qureshi, a meat exporter accused in a money-laundering case. During its investigation, the SIT chanced upon evidence of alleged payment of bribe of Rs 2 crore to the CBI chief by Sana with the help of a Rajya Sabha member belonging to a regional party. Asthana communicated this to the CVC on August 24. On September 26, Sana allegedly admitted, in a statement before Kumar, to paying a Rs 2 crore bribe to the CBI chief.
But in a dramatic turn of events just 19 days later, the CBI registered an FIR against Asthana for allegedly taking a bribe of Rs 3 crore from Sana, whom he wanted to arrest.
CBI spokesperson Abhishek Dayal said Sana’s statement against Verma was fabricated by Kumar as an “afterthought” to substantiate the charge that Asthana levelled against Verma in his complaint to the CVC.
BJP concerned about implications
BJP expressed concern on Monday about the implications for the credibility of the CBI and said the government would take action to ensure it was not eroded. “We would like people’s faith in the institution of the CBI to continue,” BJP spokesperson Meenakshi Lekhi said.
Rahul says CBI in terminal decline
Congress chief Rahul Gandhi blamed the CBI internal war on the Centre’s interference and targeted special director Rakesh Asthana. “The PM’s blue-eyed boy... has now been caught taking bribes. An institution in terminal decline that’s at war with itself,” he tweeted.
Verma-Asthana clashes festered for over a year
CBI spokesperson Abhishek Dayal stressed on Monday that Sathish Babu Sana. was not in Delhi on September 26, the day when he purportedly admitted to DSP Devender Kumar that he had paid a bribe to CBI chief Verma — an assertion which meant the CBI has given a clean chit to Verma.
Sources close to Asthana, however, claimed that there was strong evidence of the Rajya Sabha MP meeting Verma to organise help for Sana.
Some in the agency expressed surprise over Asthana being named in the FIR based on Sana’s statement when the latter was already being investigated for bribery, and when there was no evidence of any contact between him, in person or through phone or email, and Asthana.
Asked why the agency didn’t take permission from the government as per Section 17A of the Prevention of Corruption Act, the CBI said the provision didn’t apply in this case. The CBI also refused to comment on Asthana’s allegations against additional director A K Sharma’s family members running shell companies, saying the CVC was looking into the case.
The clash between Verma and Asthana has festered for over a year now since Verma first opposed Asthana’s elevation as special director, which was turned down by the CVC, the government and the Supreme Court.
Over the last 6-7 months, important cases handled by Asthana have been taken away from him while the CBI’s special unit has been reportedly unleashed on Asthana and his subordinates. In one of the letters written to the cabinet secretary on August 24, Asthana had claimed that “there have been concerted attempts by Verma, Rajeshwar Singh (joint director of the Enforcement Directorate) and others to tarnish” his image.
Verma is also learned to have given adverse remarks in Asthana’s performance report. Asthana alleged that this was being done to “adversely affect my career prospects”.
Verma vs Asthana: How it all started
Alok Verma vs Rakesh Asthana: How it all started, October 24, 2018: The Times of India
The government sent CBI director Alok Verma and special director Rakesh Asthana on leave and appointed M Nageshwar Rao as interim chief of the probe agency "with immediate effect".
The government's move to appoint Rao as interim CBI chief + comes a day after high-voltage drama involving director Alok Verma and special director Rakesh Asthana in the Delhi high court. But, the two have never been on good terms while serving in the agency, with each accusing the other of wrongdoing.
We take a look at the bitter feud in the agency. Here is how it all started:
- The rift between Verma and Asthana dates back to October 2017 when Verma, during a meeting of the five-member CVC, objected to Asthana's promotion as special director.
- Verma believed Asthana had scuttled induction of officers recommended by him. He also alleged that CBI had come across Asthana's role in the Sterling Biotech case. The panel rejected the objection and Asthana was promoted. The SC too, gave the clean chit to Asthana.
- On July 12, while Verma was abroad, CVC called a meeting to discuss promotions in the CBI in which Asthana was invited as the No. 2 in the agency. Verma wrote to CVC saying he has not authorised Asthana to attend meetings on his behalf.
- On August 24, Asthana wrote to CVC and cabinet secretary giving details of alleged corruption by Verma, his right-hand man additional director AK Sharma and their efforts to save several accused persons. Asthana claimed Sathish Babu Sana, Hyderabad-based businessman had paid Rs 2 crore to Verma to save himself in the Moin Qureshi case.
- Last week, Asthana again wrote to the CVC and the cabinet secretary and said he wanted to arrest Sana last month but Verma scuttled the proposal. He claimed that in February, when his team tried to question Sana, he got a call from Verma instructing not to do so.
- By this time, Verma had taken Asthana off important probes, including Delhi government cases, IRCTC scam, probe against P Chidambaram and others, and handed them to Sharma. Asthana's staff officer was also transferred.
- On October 4, the CBI got Sana to record a statement before a magistrate against Asthana, in which he claimed to have paid him Rs 3 crore over a 10-month period.
- On October 15, the CBI filed a case against Asthana for allegedly taking bribe of Rs 3 crore from Sana.
- On Tuesday, the Delhi high court directed the CBI to maintain status quo on the criminal proceedings initiated against the agency's special director Asthana and a trial court sent an arrested mid-level officer facing bribery charges to seven-day remand.
- Both Alok Verma and Rakesh Asthana sent on leave on October 24.
Asthana, Verma and the CBI slugfest
HIGHLIGHTS
Asthana, during his initial years in Gujarat, would often seek central deputations as he had little patience for how Congress leaders worked.
In 2002, when Modi was the Gujarat chief minister, Asthana was asked to head the Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe the Sabarmati Express train tragedy.
CBI special director Rakesh Asthana, who was probing some of the biggest cases with the CBI - including the AgustaWestland scam, the INX media case, and the Vijay Mallya loan default - is the consummate insider.
When he was a student at Netarhat Vidyalaya in Bihar, now Jharkhand, Rakesh Asthana, the Special Director at Central Bureau of Investigation, was known in the class as the sharpest boy who idolised Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.
The image had not changed much when he went to the Jawaharlal Nehru University for higher studies or when he cleared the Union Public Service Commission examination in his first attempt. And even today, when the 1984-batch Gujarat cadre IPS officer finds himself at the centre of the crisis that has gripped the CBI, there is still very little wrong with his work credentials, except him being seen as a “man in a tearing hurry.”
Asthana, during his initial years in Gujarat, would often seek central deputations as he had little patience for how Congress leaders worked. “He was never comfortable with the Congress thinking and how its governments in Gujarat operated,” said a former IPS officer who worked closely with Asthana.
In the first five years of his tenure as an IPS officer, Asthana was reputed to be honest, hardworking and approachable. However, soon this changed. Asthana, while maintaining a good public image, began to get cosy with some top Gujarat industrialists. “Unlike several other IPS officers in Gujarat, who would not shy away from accepting bribes from bootleggers or stage fake encounters, Asthana had his eyes set on the big league,” the officer said.
That Narendra Modi and he took an instant liking to each other is wrong. Asthana was essentially an L K Advani man. In the mid-nineties, Asthana sought a deputation to the CBI and in 1996 arrested the then chief minister of Bihar Lalu Prasad Yadav in the fodder scam. “That was the last time the Congress saw power in Bihar. This set Asthana’s image as an anti-Congress officer,” said a senior BJP MP who did not wish to be identified.
In 2002, when Modi was the Gujarat chief minister, Asthana was asked to head the Special Investigation Team (SIT) to probe the Sabarmati Express train tragedy. Several Kar Sevaks returning from Ayodhya had died when the S6 coach of the train caught fire at Godhra. It was Asthana who first made a public statement calling the fire a premeditated conspiracy. Insiders say that Asthana’s appointment to head SIT was Advani’s idea to help Modi, then his protégé.
As Modi grew in stature and drifted away from Advani, Asthana decided to hitch his wagon to the former. Not many have had the liberty to joke with Asthana, but an industrialist, who claimed to be close to Asthana, told Mirror: “We would tease Asthana of being a Modi bhakt in 2002. He never protested.”
Asthana did not opt for central deputation after Modi became the chief minister of Gujarat. “Contrary to public belief, Amit Shah and Asthana came in touch only after Modi became the CM,” a Gujarat BJP minister close to Amit Shah told this newspaper. “Asthana and Modi are thick,” he said, adding that Asthana always got plum postings during Modi’s tenure as CM. And whether it was the Ishrat Jahan fake encounter case or the Asaram Bapu rape case, Asthana came to the aid of the BJP government in Gujarat.
In the Ishrat Jahan case, for instance, Satish Verma -- another Gujarat-cadre IPS officer known for his integrity and rock-solid investigations -- had petitioned the Gujarat High Court pointing out how Asthana, under the influence of Gujarat government, tried to coerce a forensics officer to alter evidence in the case.
After the Jodhpur police arrested self-professed godman Asaram Bapu in a rape case, murmurs about his son Narayan Sai’s involvement in human trafficking spread. The Gujarat government decided to arrest him and it was Asthana who was given this responsibility.
Asthana was considered a man of style. When his daughter got married in 2016 in Vadodara, it was a marriage that became the talk of the state. In week-long festivities, Asthana indulged his guests to five-star pleasures. It has now been disclosed that all hotels extended “complimentary” services to Asthana and his family.
According to a high-level sources in the Gujarat government, Asthana once flew overseas in a private chopper owned by an industrialist. This last-minute trip by Asthana from Ahmedabad International Airport was to settle a family dispute.
During his tenure in Gujarat, he held several important posts in Gujarat such as IG, Vadodara, Jt CP Ahmedabad, and Commissioner of Police in Surat and Vadodara. As Vadodara police chief, he detected the 2008 serial blasts in Ahmedabad and the planting of bombs in Surat.
In June 2016, when the CBI set up an SIT for speedy probes into important cases, Asthana was asked to head it. The SIT was probing several sensitive cases with political ramifications like the AgustaWestland scam, the INX Media case, the Kingfisher Airlines loan default case against Vijay Mallya, and the ambulance scam in Rajasthan involving former chief minister Ashok Gehlot, ex-union minister Sachin Pilot and former finance minister P Chidambaram’s son Karti Chidambaram.
The war within the CBI
The seeds of the war were sown in October last year, when Rakesh Asthana was elevated to the No. 2 position at the CBI by a selection committee headed by the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC). Alok Verma reportedly opposed the elevation on the grounds that he was being probed in a corruption case related to a Gujarat-based company Sterling Biotech.
The tension between Verma and Asthana continued to simmer. In July, Verma raised the ante by telling the CVC that Asthana could not represent him in meetings to consider postings in his absence, since his role in several cases was itself under the scanner.
In September, Asthana wrote to the government, accusing Verma of trying to thwart investigations in important cases, including the IRCTC scam in which RJD chief Lalu Prasad Yadav and his family are the accused. The CBI termed Asthana’s complaint as “intimidation” of the offi cers probing his role in at least six cases.
Asthana also wrote to the cabinet secretary and the CVC, accusing Verma and his Man Friday Additional Director AK Sharma of trying to save accused persons in several cases. He alleged that Satish Babu Sana, a Hyderabad-based businessman, paid Verma Rs 2 crore to save himself in the case of meatexporter Moin Qureshi, who is facing tax evasion and money laundering charges. Asthana also claimed Verma thwarted his attempt to arrest Sana.
Fallout: 13 officers shuffled, top 2 benched
No. 3 Overlooked, Jt Director Rao Put In Charge
A sequence of dramatic developments culminated in the government sending the CBI’s feuding No. 1 and 2, director Alok Verma and special director Rakesh Asthana, on leave on the basis of a strongly worded report from the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC). It is the first time in the agency’s 55-year history that its chief has been divested of his duties in the middle of a tenure.
The year-long fight that saw Asthana file a complaint accusing Verma of several improprieties and the CBI chief retaliating by registering an FIR against his deputy for alleged corruption ended with both being benched and as many as 13 officers shuffled.
The decision immediately led to opposition protests that the action was intended to prevent probe into sensitive cases concerning the government, a charge reiterated by Verma in a petition he filed in the Supreme Court on Wednesday.
The CVC order, under Section 8(1)(a) and (b) of the CVC Act, said Verma had not cooperated in making available records relating to complaints about his own role in allegedly shielding one of the main suspects in the UPA-era railway contracts scam and also allegations levelled by Asthana about bribes in the Moin Qureshi case. The CVC said despite reminders, CBI failed to provide information on the cases, but it then came to light that the agency had registered an FIR against Asthana on the basis of a statement by an accused being probed by the officer. The CBI’s attitude established “non-cooperation” and “noncompliance” and amounted to “wilful obstruction” of the CVC’s functioning, it said.
The Centre overlooked the No. 3, A K Sharma, allegedly for his proximity to Verma in dealing with cases against Asthana, and appointed joint director M Nageswar Rao interim CBI chief.
2019, Jan: SC puts Verma back, but with clipped wings
Alok Kumar Verma was allowed to come back as CBI Director, albeit with his wings clipped, by the Supreme Court which gave a jolt to the Centre and the CVC by setting aside their orders divesting him + of his powers and sending him on leave.
However, the sword "of divestment of power and authority" of Verma is still hanging on his head as the apex court said it was "still open" for the high-powered committee, which selects the CBI chief, to consider the matter within a week since the CVC is probing the charges of corruption against him.
It also made it clear that on reinstatement, Verma will cease and desist from taking any major policy decisions till the committee's decision.
The top court set aside the October 23, 2018 orders of the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) and the Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) divesting Verma of his powers and asking CBI's joint director M Nageshwar Rao to look after the duties and functions of the agency's director.
In its 44-page verdict, a bench headed by Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi said: "We deem it proper to direct that Verma, director CBI, upon reinstatement, will cease and desist from taking any major policy decisions till the decision of the committee permitting such actions and decisions becomes available within the time frame indicated."
The bench, also comprising Justices S K Kaul and K M Joseph, asked the high-powered committee comprising the Prime Minister, the Chief Justice of India and the leader of opposition to meet within a week.
Verma's two-year tenure as CBI Director ends on January 31.
The entire issue of Verma revolved around his feud with CBI's special director Rakesh Asthana as both of them have levelled charges of corruption against each other.
While Verma had moved the apex court against the government's orders, Asthana has not sought any relief from the top court but has moved the Delhi high court for quashing of FIR against him in a corruption case.
Like Verma, Asthana was also divested of his powers and was send on leave by the government.
In its judgement, the top court said, "We further make it explicit that the role of Alok Kumar Verma as the director, CBI during the interregnum and in terms of this order will be confined only to the exercise of the ongoing routine functions without any fresh initiative, having no major policy or institutional implications."
The bench referred to its verdict in Vineet Narain case and subsequent amendment in law to drive home the point that legislative intent has been to ensure "complete insulation of the office of the director CBI from all kinds of extraneous influences, as may be, as well as for upholding the integrity and independence of the institution of the CBI as a whole".
The Vineet Narain judgement, delivered by the apex court in 1997, relates to investigation of allegations of corruption against high-ranking public officials in India. The top court referred to a provision of the Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act, which said that the CBI director cannot be transferred without the consent of the selection committee.
It said the legislature did not intend to confer any authority to the state to take interim measures against CBI director in such an eventuality.
"If the word 'transferred' has to be understood in its ordinary parlance and limited to a change from one post to another, as the word would normally convey and on that basis the requirement of 'previous consent of the committee' is understood to be only in such cases, i.e. purely of transfer, such an interpretation would be self-defeating and would clearly negate the legislative intent," the bench said.
It said the institution of CBI has been perceived to be necessarily kept away from all kinds of extraneous influences so that it can perform its role as premier investigating and prosecuting agency "without any fear and favour and in the best public interest".
"The head of the institution, namely, the director, naturally, therefore, has to be the role model of independence and integrity which can only be ensured by freedom from all kinds of control and interference except to the extent that Parliament may have intended," it said.
The bench said all authorities should be kept away from "intermingling or interfering" in the functioning of CBI director.
Dealing with the situation where authorities may require to take action against CBI director, the bench said public interest must be writ large against the backdrop of the necessity and such a "compelling necessity can only be tested by the opinion of the committee".
The court also noted that the relevant law does not have any provision with regard to interim suspension or removal of the CBI Director and made clear that any such decision has to be taken after taking consent of the high-powered selection panel.
The judgement was penned by CJI Gogoi. However, the CJI didn't attend court and it was pronounced by Justice Kaul.
The apex court noted that CBI has grown over the years in its role, power and importance and today it has become the premier investigative and prosecution agency of the country.
"The high stature and the pre-eminent position that the institution has acquired is largely on account of a strong perception of the necessity of having such a premier agency," it said.
‘Stay orders’ cannot be issued
138 graft cases stalled due to SC stays
138 graft cases stalled due to SC stays: CBI, August 1, 2017: The Times of India
The CBI told the Supreme Court that despite a statutory ban on higher courts staying trial in corruption cases, the apex court's stay on 45 appeals had resulted in trials in 138 cases under Prevention of Corruption Act getting stalled.
Solicitor general Ranjit Kumar informed a bench of Chief Justice J S Khehar and Justice D Y Chandrachud that some of these appeals were pending in the SC for the last 15 years and CBI investigating officers now feared that any further delay in restarting the trials would result in losing evidence.
Lapse of time has a serious impact on producing evi dence through witnesses in criminal trials, especially in corruption cases, the SG said and requested the court for vacation of stay granted on the petitions filed by various accused persons from across the country who were prosecuted under PC Act by the CBI. The bench agreed to list the appeals for hearing on August 7.
The SG said stays in graft cases were granted despite a statutory ban under Section 19(3)(c) of the PC Act, which provides, “No court shall stay the proceedings under this Act on any other ground and no court shall exercise the powers of revision in relation to any interlocutory order passed in any inquiry, trial, appeal or other proceedings.“
Success rate
70% conviction of tainted officials: 2006-16
4,054 Cases In Which Govt Staff Found Guilty In Last Decade
Nearly seven out of every 10 corruption-related cases investigated by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) ended in conviction of government officials in the last decade, a record that justifies the dread that the agency strikes among unscrupulous officials.
Since 2006, CBI probed over 7,000 cases, of which trial has been completed in 6,533. About 4,054 cases (68%) ended in conviction of the accused under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988, while 2,095 (32%) ended in acquittal.
The relatively high conviction rate counters the popular belief that trials in India are often delayed and officials, along with the influential, usually avoid jail time.
The analysis by public information website Factly .com is based on data shared by the government in Lok Sabha. “Given Indian conditions, 68% conviction is fairly decent. The major flaw is in the judicial system which is full of delays, which in turn allows influencing witnesses, said Shailesh Gandhi, former information commissioner.
Of the 7,000 corruption-related cases probed and disposed of between 2006 and June 2016, some 3,615 ended in prosecution, 2,178 ended in prosecution as well as regular de partmental action (RDA) while 636 cases were subject to only RDA. Another 671 cases were closed without action.
While CBI investigates select cases, national data up to 2015 showed that 13,585 corruption cases were being investigated, mostly relating to bribery and criminal misconduct. Some 29,206 corruption cases were pending trial while the accused were acquitted or discharged in 1,549 cases in 2015.
CBI completed investigations in the highest number of cases in 2008 followed by 2007. The least number of cases were investigated and disposed of in 2010, the year when the 2G and Commonwealth Games scams held national attention.
On an average, 9.3% of the cases ended in closure without any action.
In cases where trial has been completed, acquittal rate was highest in 2007 at over 50%. Most number of cases were disposed of in 2013 (921), followed by 865 in 2012. The least number of cases were disposed of in 2008 (369).
Data from the National Crime Records Bureau show an increase of 5% in corruption cases in 2015 (5,867) compared with 2014 (5,577).
Factly .com's Rakesh Dubbudu noted that getting sanction for prosecution of a government official continued to be an issue.
… and some non-successes
CBI boss fined ₹ 15L for shoddy death probe
VijayV Singh, CBI boss fined ₹ 15L for shoddy death probe, March 11, 2018: The Times of India
Maha Rights Body Asks Agency Chief To Pay Relief to Dad Of MBA Student Who Died Mysteriously
The Maharashtra State Human Rights Commission (MSHRC) has directed the CBI director to pay Rs 15 lakh to the father of an MBA student for carrying out a shoddy probe into his mysterious death thus delaying delivery of justice. The commission said the father has been waiting for justice for seven years and the adverse findings against the CBI by a magistrate court raises question over the credibility of the investigators and way they function.
The commission’s directions came in response to a complaint filed by Vijay Singh, a Patna resident whose son Santosh was found dead under mysterious circumstances in Kharghar on July 15, 2011. The commission said the compensation has to be paid for violation of his fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution within six weeks and disciplinary action initiated against the erring officers. MSHRC member M A Sayeed, in his order, asked the CBI to sensitise officers about significance of a proper investigation in accordance with the rules and procedures.
Vijay Singh had filed a complaint with the commission in 2011, which was amended five years later with additional evidence. The CBI, which last probed the murder case based on a high court order, had concluded it as a suicide and filed a closure report in the magistrate court at Panvel. The magistrate court refused to accept the report pointing out lapses and ordered arrest of the accused for murder.
Santosh stayed on the fourth floor of Janardan Sadan building with three friends — Vikas Kumar, Jitendra Kumar, Dheeraj Kumar. On July 15, 2011, he was found dead in the balcony of a first floor flat. Kharghar police registered an accidental death report on the basis of Jitendra’s statement where he mentioned that Santosh had, under the influence of alcohol, committed suicide by jumping from the toilet window.
Vijay was not satisfied with the finding of the local police that Santosh committed suicide. In 2012, he filed a writ petition in the high court, which ordered a CID probe, but Vijay was again not satisfied with the progress. On his request, the high court then ordered a CBI probe. The CBI registered a case of murder and filed a closure report in a Panvel court.
Magistrate J M Chavan, in his December 2017 order rejecting the closure report, said the possibility of Santosh being under the influence of alcohol is not proved in the chemical analysis report.
“It is impossible for the deceased to climb atop the flush tank under the influence of alcohol and remove the window panes.” The magistrate also cited various other inconsistencies based on the medical report, including the time of the death. “Material showed that the probe was not proper, and it was done in a manner to save the accused,” the court said.
The court believed that the deceased was inflicted multiple injuries with a sharp object due to which he died. The court observed that evidence showed the accused had killed Santosh and thrown the body down to show it as a suicide. The order said, “It was unnatural death, but still even the medial officer had not preserved viscera for analysis.” The magistrate slammed the CBI for terming the suspicious death as a case of suicide despite the fact that circumstantial evidence indicated that it was a murder.
All the three accused are at present in judicial custody.
The CBI: jurisdiction, type of work, importance
LEARNING WITH THE TIMES - CBI can take suo motu action in graft cases under PCA Why did we need the CBI?
The significant increase in the British government's expendi ture in the early stages of the Second World War resulted in profiteering by corrupt businessmen and government officials. Since the local police found it difficult to investigate these cases, the British government felt the need for a special force. The Special Police Establishment (SPE) with mandate to investigate cases of bribery and corruption in transactions related to war, was formed under the War department in 1941.In the post-war years, the need for a central investigating agency was felt and Delhi Special Police Establishment (DSPE) Act was brought into force in 1946, which also shifted its superintendence to the home department. Later, the DSPE was re-christened Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in 1963. Even today , the jurisdiction of CBI is defined by DSPE Act 1946.
What kind of cases does the CBI investigate?
CBI was primarily supposed to investigate cases involving central government employees or the interests of the central government, and crime on the high sea and airlines, as per the DSPE Act, 1946. It was vested with power to investigate cases of breach of central laws related to export-import, foreign exchange, passports and so on. It also investigated serious cases of fraud, cheating and embezzlement relating to Public Joint Stock Companies and other cases of a serious nature, when committed by organised gangs operating in several states. In addition, it collected intelligence about corruption in public services as well as in projects and undertakings in the public sector.
When did the CBI start investigating conventional crime?
Initially an anti-corruption probe agency , in due course of time the CBI started receiving requests from various quarters of government and judiciary to investigate conventional crime and other specific cases like the Bhagalpur blindings, Bhopal gas tragedy and so on. Since early 1980s, constitutional courts also started referring cases to CBI for investigation and enquiry . In 1987 as its role expanded, it was divided into two sections -an anti-corruption division and the special crimes division, the latter dealing with conventional crimes and economic offences. Apart from this, special cells have often been created to investigate high-profile cases like Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, Ba bri Masjid demolition and so on.
What is CBI's jurisdiction?
CBI derives its power from section 2 of the DSPE Act 1946 to investigate offences in Union Territories only. However, the jurisdiction can be extended by the Centre to other areas, including Railways and also state governments, with their consent.CBI is authorised to probe only those cases notified by the Centre. Anyone can make a complaint regarding corrup tion in the central government, PSUs and nationalised banks; CBI can also take suo motu action in cases under Prevention of Corruption Act. It can investigate criminal cases if a state requests the Centre for CBI's help, or when SC or an HC direct CBI to investigate a crime.
