Banjara
Banjara by Russell
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From The Tribes And Castes Of The Central Provinces Of India
By R. V. Russell
Of The Indian Civil Service
Superintendent Of Ethnography, Central Provinces
Assisted By Rai Bahadur Hira Lal, Extra Assistant Commissioner
Macmillan And Co., Limited, London, 1916.
NOTE 1: The 'Central Provinces' have since been renamed Madhya Pradesh.
(This article is based principally on a Monograph on the Banjara Clan, by Mr. N. F. Cumberlege of the Berar Police, believed to have been first written in 1869 and reprinted in 1882 (Notes on the Banjaras written by Colonel Mackenzie and printed in the Berar Census Report (1881) and the Pioneer newspaper (communicated by Mrs. Horsburgh) ; Major Gunthorpe's C7-iminal Tribes ; papers by Mr. M. E. Khare, Extra-Assistant Commissioner, Clianda ; Mr. Narayan Rao, Tahr. Betul ; Mr. Mukund Rao, Manager, Pachmarhi Estate ; and information on the caste collected in Yeotnial and Nimar.)
NOTE 2: While reading please keep in mind that all articles in this series have been scanned from the original book. Therefore, footnotes have got inserted into the main text of the article, interrupting the flow. Readers who spot scanning errors are requested to report the correct spelling to the Facebook page, Indpaedia.com. All information used will be duly acknowledged.
BANJARA
Historical notice of the caste.
Banjara, Wanjari, Lahana, Mukeri. [173]–The caste of carriers and drivers of pack—bullocks. In 1911 the Banjaras numbered about 56,000 persons in the Central Provinces and 80,000 in Berar, the caste being in greater strength here than in any part of India except Hyderabad, where their total is 174,000. Bombay comes next with a figure approaching that of the Central Provinces and Berar, and the caste belongs therefore rather to the Deccan than to northern India. The name has been variously explained, but the most probable derivation is from the Sanskrit banijya kara, a merchant. Sir H. M. Elliot held that the name Banjara was of great antiquity, quoting a passage from the Dasa Kumara Charita of the eleventh or twelfth century. But it was subsequently shown by Professor Cowell that the name Banjara did not occur in the original text of this work. [174] Banjaras are supposed to be the people mentioned by Arrian in the fourth century B.C., as leading a wandering life, dwelling in tents and letting out for hire their beasts of burden. [175] But this passage merely proves the existence of carriers and not of the Banjara caste. Mr. Crooke states [176] that the first mention of Banjaras in Muhammadan history is in Sikandar’s attack on Dholpur in A.D. 1504. [177] It seems improbable, therefore, that the Banjaras accompanied the different Muhammadan invaders of India, as might have been inferred from the fact that they came into the Deccan in the train of the forces of Aurangzeb. The caste has indeed two Muhammadan sections, the Turkia and Mukeri. [178] But both of these have the same Rajput clan names as the Hindu branch of the caste, and it seems possible that they may have embraced Islam under the proselytising influence of Aurangzeb, or simply owing to their having been employed with the Muhammadan troops. The great bulk of the caste in southern India are Hindus, and there seems no reason for assuming that its origin was Muhammadan.
Banjaras derived from the Charans or Bhats.
It may be suggested that the Banjaras are derived from the Charan or Bhat caste of Rajputana. Mr. Cumberlege, whose Monograph on the caste in Berar is one of the best authorities, states that of the four divisions existing there the Charans are the most numerous and by far the most interesting class. [179] In the article on Bhat it has been explained how the Charans or bards, owing to their readiness to kill themselves rather than give up the property entrusted to their care, became the best safe—conduct for the passage of goods in Rajputana. The name Charan is generally held to mean ’Wanderer,’ and in their capacity of bards the Charans were accustomed to travel from court to court of the different chiefs in quest of patronage. They were first protected by their sacred character and afterwards by their custom of traga or chandi, that is, of killing themselves when attacked and threatening their assailants with the dreaded fate of being haunted by their ghosts. Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam [180] remarks:
“After Parasurama’s dispersion of the Kshatris the Charans accompanied them in their southward flight. In those troubled times the Charans took charge of the supplies of the Kshatri forces and so fell to their present position of cattle—breeders and grain—carriers....” Most of the Charans are graziers, cattle—sellers and pack—carriers. Colonel Tod says: [181] “The Charans and Bhats or bards and genealogists are the chief carriers of these regions (Marwar); their sacred character overawes the lawless Rajput chief, and even the savage Koli and Bhil and the plundering Sahrai of the desert dread the anathema of these singular races, who conduct the caravans through the wildest and most desolate regions.” In another passage Colonel Tod identifies the Charans and Banjaras [182] as follows: “Murlah is an excellent township inhabited by a community of Charans of the tribe Cucholia (Kacheli), who are Bunjarris (carriers) by profession, though poets by birth. The alliance is a curious one, and would appear incongruous were not gain the object generally in both cases. It was the sanctity of their office which converted our bardais (bards) into bunjarris, for their persons being sacred, the immunity extended likewise to their goods and saved them from all imposts; so that in process of time they became the free—traders of Rajputana. I was highly gratified with the reception I received from the community, which collectively advanced to meet me at some distance from the town. The procession was headed by the village elders and all the fair Charanis, who, as they approached, gracefully waved their scarfs over me until I was fairly made captive by the muses of Murlah! It was a novel and interesting scene. The manly persons of the Charans, clad in the flowing white robe with the high loose—folded turban inclined on one side, from which the mala or chaplet was gracefully suspended; and the naiques or leaders, with their massive necklaces of gold, with the image of the pitriswar (manes) depending therefrom, gave the whole an air of opulence and dignity. The females were uniformly attired in a skirt of dark—brown camlet, having a bodice of light—coloured stuff, with gold ornaments worked into their fine black hair; and all had the favourite churis or rings of hathidant(elephant’s tooth) covering the arm from the wrist to the elbow, and even above it.”
A little later, referring to the same Charan community, Colonel Tod writes: “The tanda or caravan, consisting of four thousand bullocks, has been kept up amidst all the evils which have beset this land through Mughal and Maratha tyranny. The utility of these caravans as general carriers to conflicting armies and as regular tax—paying subjects has proved their safeguard, and they were too strong to be pillaged by any petty marauder, as any one who has seen a Banjari encampment will be convinced. They encamp in a square, and their grain—bags piled over each other breast—high, with interstices left for their matchlocks, make no contemptible fortification. Even the ruthless Turk, Jamshid Khan, set up a protecting tablet in favour of the Charans of Murlah, recording their exemption from dind contributions, and that there should be no increase in duties, with threats to all who should injure the community. As usual, the sun and moon are appealed to as witnesses of good faith, and sculptured on the stone. Even the forest Bhil and mountain Mair have set up their signs of immunity and protection to the chosen of Hinglaz (tutelary deity); and the figures of a cow and its kairi (calf) carved in rude relief speak the agreement that they should not be slain or stolen within the limits of Murlah.”
In the above passage the community described by Colonel Tod were Charans, but he identified them with Banjaras, using the name alternatively. He mentions their large herds of pack—bullocks, for the management of which the Charans, who were graziers as well as bards, would naturally be adapted; the name given to the camp, tanda, is that generally used by the Banjaras; the women wore ivory bangles, which the Banjara women wear. [183]
In commenting on the way in which the women threw their scarves over him, making him a prisoner, Colonel Tod remarks: “This community had enjoyed for five hundred years the privilege of making prisoner any Rana of Mewar who may pass through Murlah, and keeping him in bondage until he gives them a got or entertainment. The patriarch (of the village) told me that I was in jeopardy as the Rana’s representative, but not knowing how I might have relished the joke had it been carried to its conclusion, they let me escape.”
Mr. Ball notes a similar custom of the Banjara women far away in the Bastar State of the Central Provinces: [184] “Today I passed through another Banjara hamlet, from whence the women and girls all hurried out in pursuit, and a brazen—faced powerful—looking lass seized the bridle of my horse as he was being led by the sais in the rear. The sais and chaprasi were both Muhammadans, and the forward conduct of these females perplexed them not a little, and the former was fast losing his temper at being thus assaulted by a woman.”
Colonel Mackenzie in his account of the Banjara caste remarks: [185] “It is certain that the Charans, whoever they were, first rose to the demand which the great armies of northern India, contending in exhausted countries far from their basis of supply, created, viz. the want of a fearless and reliable transport service.... The start which the Charans then acquired they retain among Banjaras to this day, though in very much diminished splendour and position. As they themselves relate, they were originally five brethren, Rathor, Turi, Panwar, Chauhan and Jadon. But fortune particularly smiled on Bhika Rathor, as his four sons, Mersi, Multasi, Dheda and Khamdar, great names among the Charans, rose immediately to eminence as commissariat transporters in the north. And not only under the Delhi Emperors, but under the Satara, subsequently the Poona Raj, and the Subahship of the Nizam, did several of their descendants rise to consideration and power.”
It thus seems a reasonable hypothesis that the nucleus of the Banjara caste was constituted by the Charans or bards of Rajputana. Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam [186] also identifies the Charans and Banjaras, but I have not been able to find the exact passage. The following notice [187] by Colonel Tone is of interest in this connection:
“The vast consumption that attends a Maratha army necessarily superinduces the idea of great supplies; yet, notwithstanding this, the native powers never concern themselves about providing for their forces, and have no idea of a grain and victualling department, which forms so great an object in a European campaign. The Banias or grain—sellers in an Indian army have always their servants ahead of the troops on the line of march, to purchase in the circumjacent country whatever necessaries are to be disposed of. Articles of consumption are never wanting in a native camp, though they are generally twenty—five per cent dearer than in the town bazars; but independent of this mode of supply the Vanjaris or itinerant grain—merchants furnish large quantities, which they bring on bullocks from an immense distance. These are a very peculiar race, and appear a marked and discriminated people from any other I have seen in this country. Formerly they were considered so sacred that they passed in safety in the midst of contending armies; of late, however, this reverence for their character is much abated and they have been frequently plundered, particularly by Tipu.”
The reference to the sacred character attaching to the Banjaras a century ago appears to be strong evidence in favour of their derivation from the Charans. For it could scarcely have been obtained by any body of commissariat agents coming into India with the Muhammadans. The fact that the example of disregarding it was first set by a Muhammadan prince points to the same conclusion.
Mr. Irvine notices the Banjaras with the Mughal armies in similar terms: [188] “It is by these people that the Indian armies in the field are fed, and they are never injured by either army. The grain is taken from them, but invariably paid for. They encamp for safety every evening in a regular square formed of the bags of grain of which they construct a breastwork. They and their families are in the centre, and the oxen are made fast outside. Guards with matchlocks and spears are placed at the corners, and their dogs do duty as advanced posts. I have seen them with droves of 5000 bullocks. They do not move above two miles an hour, as their cattle are allowed to graze as they proceed on the march.”
One may suppose that the Charans having acted as carriers for the Rajput chiefs and courts, both in time of peace and in their continuous intestinal feuds, were pressed into service when the Mughal armies entered Rajputana and passed through it to Gujarat and the Deccan. In adopting the profession of transport agents for the imperial troops they may have been amalgamated into a fresh caste with other Hindus and Muhammadans doing the same work, just as the camp language formed by the superposition of a Persian vocabulary on to a grammatical basis of Hindi became Urdu or Hindustani. The readiness of the Charans to commit suicide rather than give up property committed to their charge was not, however, copied by the Banjaras, and so far as I am aware there is no record of men of this caste taking their own lives, though they had little scruple with those of others.
Charan Ranjarans employed with the Mughal armies.
The Charan Banjaras, Mr. Cumberlege states, [189] first came to the Deccan with Asaf Khan in the campaign which closed with the annexation by the Emperor Shah Jahan of Ahmadnagar and Berar about 1630. Their leaders or Naiks were Bhangi and Jhangi of the Rathor [190] and Bhagwan Das of the Jadon clan. Bhangi and Jhangi had 180,000 pack—bullocks, and Bhagwan Das 52,000. It was naturally an object with Asaf Khan to keep his commissariat well up with his force, and as Bhangi and Jhangi made difficulties about the supply of grass and water to their cattle, he gave them an order engraved on copper in letters of gold to the following effect:
Ranjan ka pani
Chhappar ka ghas
Din ke tin khun muaf;
Aur jahan Asaf Jah ke ghore
Wahan Bhangi Jhangi ke bail,
which may be rendered as follows: “If you can find no water elsewhere you may even take it from the pots of my followers; grass you may take from the roofs of their huts; and I will pardon you up to three murders a day, provided that wherever I find my cavalry, Bhangi and Jhangi’s bullocks shall be with them.” This grant is still in the possession of Bhangi Naik’s descendant who lives at Musi, near Hingoli. He is recognised by the Hyderabad Court as the head Naik of the Banjara caste, and on his death his successor receives a khillat or dress—of—honour from His Highness the Nizam. After Asaf Khan’s campaign and settlement in the Deccan, a quarrel broke out between the Rathor clan, headed by Bhangi and Jhangi, and the Jadons under Bhagwan Das, owing to the fact that Asaf Khan had refused to give Bhagwan Das a grant like that quoted above. Both Bhangi and Bhagwan Das were slain in the feud and the Jadons captured the standard, consisting of eight thans (lengths) of cloth, which was annually presented by the Nizam to Bhangi’s descendants. When Mr. Cumberlege wrote (1869), this standard was in the possession of Hatti Naik, a descendant of Bhagwan Das, who had an estate near Muchli Bunder, in the Madras Presidency. Colonel Mackenzie states [191] that the leaders of the Rathor clan became so distinguished not only in their particular line but as men of war that the Emperors recognised their carrying distinctive standards, which were known as dhal by the Rathors themselves. Jhangi’s family was also represented in the person of Ramu Naik, the patel or headman of the village of Yaoli in the Yeotmal District. In 1791—92 the Banjaras were employed to supply grain to the British army under the Marquis of Cornwallis during the siege of Seringapatam, [192] and the Duke of Wellington in his Indian campaigns regularly engaged them as part of the commissariat staff of his army. On one occasion he said of them: “The Banjaras I look upon in the light of servants of the public, of whose grain I have a right to regulate the sale, always taking care that they have a proportionate advantage.” [193]
Internal structure.
Mr. Cumberlege gives four main divisions of the caste in Berar, the Charans, Mathurias, Labhanas and Dharis. Of these the Charans are by far the most numerous and important, and included all the famous leaders of the caste mentioned above. The Charans are divided into the five clans, Rathor, Panwar, Chauhan, Puri and Jadon or Burthia, all of these being the names of leading Rajput clans; and as the Charan bards themselves were probably Rajputs, the Banjaras, who are descended from them, may claim the same lineage. Each clan or sept is divided into a number of subsepts; thus among the Rathors the principal subsept is the Bhurkia, called after the Bhika Rathor already mentioned; and this is again split into four groups, Mersi, Multasi, Dheda and Khamdar, named after his four sons. As a rule, members of the same clan, Panwar, Rathor and so on, may not intermarry, but Mr. Cumberlege states that a man belonging to the Banod or Bhurkia subsepts of the Rathors must not take a wife from his own subsept, but may marry any other Rathor girl. It seems probable that the same rule may hold with the other subsepts, as it is most unlikely that intermarriage should still be prohibited among so large a body as the Rathor Charans have now become. It may be supposed therefore that the division into subsepts took place when it became too inconvenient to prohibit marriage throughout the whole body of the sept, as has happened in other cases. The Mathuria Banjaras take their name from Mathura or Muttra and appear to be Brahmans. “They wear the sacred thread, [194] know the Gayatri Mantra, and to the present day abstain from meat and liquor, subsisting entirely on grain and vegetables.
They always had a sufficiency of Charans and servants (Jangar) in their villages to perform all necessary manual labour, and would not themselves work for a remuneration otherwise than by carrying grain, which was and still is their legitimate occupation; but it was not considered undignified to cut wood and grass for the household. Both Mathuria and Labhana men are fairer than the Charans; they wear better jewellery and their loin—cloths have a silk border, while those of the Charans are of rough, common cloth.” The Mathurias are sometimes known as Ahiwasi, and may be connected with the Ahiwasis of the Hindustani Districts, who also drive pack—bullocks and call themselves Brahmans. But it is naturally a sin for a Brahman to load the sacred ox, and any one who does so is held to have derogated from the priestly order. The Mathurias are divided according to Mr. Cumberlege into four groups called Pande, Dube, Tiwari and Chaube, all of which are common titles of Hindustani Brahmans and signify a man learned in one, two, three and four Vedas respectively. It is probable that these groups are exogamous, marrying with each other, but this is not stated. The third division, the Labhanas, may derive their name from lavana, salt, and probably devoted themselves more especially to the carriage of this staple. They are said to be Rajputs, and to be descended from Mota and Mola, the cowherds of Krishna. The fourth subdivision are the Dharis or bards of the caste, who rank below the others.
According to their own story [195] their ancestor was a member of the Bhat caste, who became a disciple of Nanak, the Sikh apostle, and with him attended a feast given by the Mughal Emperor Humayun. Here he ate the flesh of a cow or buffalo, and in consequence became a Muhammadan and was circumcised. He was employed as a musician at the Mughal court, and his sons joined the Charans and became the bards of the Banjara caste. “The Dharis,” Mr. Cumberlege continues, “are both musicians and mendicants; they sing in praise of their own and the Charan ancestors and of the old kings of Delhi; while at certain seasons of the year they visit Charan hamlets, when each family gives them a young bullock or a few rupees. They are Muhammadans, but worship Sarasvati and at their marriages offer up a he—goat to Gaji and Gandha, the two sons of the original Bhat, who became a Muhammadan. At burials a Fakir is called to read the prayers.”
Minor subcastes.
Besides the above four main divisions, there are a number of others, the caste being now of a very mixed character. Two principal Muhammadan groups are given by Sir H. Elliot, the Turkia and Mukeri. The Turkia have thirty—six septs, some with Rajput names and others territorial or titular. They seem to be a mixed group of Hindus who may have embraced Islam as the religion of their employers. The Mukeri Banjaras assert that they derive their name from Mecca (Makka), which one of their Naiks, who had his camp in the vicinity, assisted Father Abraham in building. [196] Mr. Crooke thinks that the name may be a corruption of Makkeri and mean a seller of maize. Mr. Cumberlege says of them: “Multanis and Mukeris have been called Banjaras also, but have nothing in common with the caste; the Multanis are carriers of grain and the Mukeris of wood and timber, and hence the confusion may have arisen between them.” But they are now held to be Banjaras by common usage; in Saugor the Mukeris also deal in cattle. From Chanda a different set of subcastes is reported called Bhusarjin, Ladjin, Saojin and Kanhejin; the first may take their name from bhusa, the chaff of wheat, while Lad is the term used for people coming from Gujarat, and Sao means a banker. In Sambalpur again a class of Thuria Banjaras is found, divided into the Bandesia, Atharadesia, Navadesia and Chhadesia, or the men of the 52 districts, the 18 districts, the 9 districts and the 6 districts respectively. The first and last two of these take food and marry with each other. Other groups are the Guar Banjaras, apparently from Guara or Gwala, a milkman, the Guguria Banjaras, who may, Mr. Hira Lal suggests, take their name from trading in gugar, a kind of gum, and the Bahrup Banjaras, who are Nats or acrobats. In Berar also a number of the caste have become respectable cultivators and now call themselves Wanjari, disclaiming any connection with the Banjaras, probably on account of the bad reputation for crime attached to these latter. Many of the Wanjaris have been allowed to rank with the Kunbi caste, and call themselves Wanjari Kunbis in order the better to dissociate themselves from their parent caste. The existing caste is therefore of a very mixed nature, and the original Brahman and Charan strains, though still perfectly recognisable, cannot have maintained their purity.
Marriage: betrothal.
At a betrothal in Nimar the bridegroom and his friends come and stay in the next village to that of the bride. The two parties meet on the boundary of the village, and here the bride—price is fixed, which is often a very large sum, ranging from Rs. 200 to Rs. 1000. Until the price is paid the father will not let the bridegroom into his house. In Yeotmal, when a betrothal is to be made, the parties go to a liquor—shop and there a betel—leaf and a large handful of sugar are distributed to everybody. Here the price to be paid for the bride amounts to Rs. 40 and four young bullocks. Prior to the wedding the bridegroom goes and stays for a month or so in the house of the bride’s father, and during this time he must provide a supply of liquor daily for the bride’s male relatives. The period was formerly longer, but now extends to a month at the most. While he resides at the bride’s house the bridegroom wears a cloth over his head so that his face cannot be seen. Probably the prohibition against seeing him applies to the bride only, as the rule in Berar is that between the betrothal and marriage of a Charan girl she may not eat or drink in the bridegroom’s house, or show her face to him or any of his relatives. Mathuria girls must be wedded before they are seven years old, but the Charans permit them to remain single until after adolescence.
Marriage.
Banjara marriages are frequently held in the rains, a season forbidden to other Hindus, but naturally the most convenient to them, because in the dry weather they are usually travelling. For the marriage ceremony they pitch a tent in lieu of the marriage—shed, and on the ground they place two rice—pounding pestles, round which the bride and bridegroom make the seven turns. Others substitute for the pestles a pack—saddle with two bags of grain in order to symbolise their camp life. During the turns the girl’s hand is held by the Joshi or village priest, or some other Brahman, in case she should fall; such an occurrence being probably a very unlucky omen. Afterwards, the girl runs away and the Brahman has to pursue and catch her. In Bhandara the girl is clad only in a light skirt and breast—cloth, and her body is rubbed all over with oil in order to make his task more difficult. During this time the bride’s party pelt the Brahman with rice, turmeric and areca—nuts, and sometimes even with stones; and if he is forced to cry with the pain, it is considered lucky. But if he finally catches the girl, he is conducted to a dais and sits there holding a brass plate in front of him, into which the bridegroom’s party drop presents. A case is mentioned of a Brahman having obtained Rs. 70 in this manner. Among the Mathuria Banjaras of Berar the ceremony resembles the usual Hindu type. [197] Before the wedding the families bring the branches of eight or ten different kinds of trees, and perform the hom or fire sacrifice with them. A Brahman knots the clothes of the couple together, and they walk round the fire. When the bride arrives at the bridegroom’s hamlet after the wedding, two small brass vessels are given to her; she fetches water in these and returns them to the women of the boy’s family, who mix this with other water previously drawn, and the girl, who up to this period was considered of no caste at all, becomes a Mathuria. [198] Food is cooked with this water, and the bride and bridegroom are formally received into the husband’s kuri or hamlet. It is possible that the mixing of the water may be a survival of the blood covenant, whereby a girl was received into her husband’s clan on her marriage by her blood being mixed with that of her husband. [199] Or it may be simply symbolical of the union of the families. In some localities after the wedding the bride and bridegroom are made to stand on two bullocks, which are driven forward, and it is believed that whichever of them falls off first will be the first to die.
Widow remarriage.
Owing to the scarcity of women in the caste a widow is seldom allowed to go out of the family, and when her husband dies she is taken either by his elder or younger brother; this is in opposition to the usual Hindu practice, which forbids the marriage of a woman to her deceased husband’s elder brother, on the ground that as successor to the headship of the joint family he stands to her, at least potentially, in the light of a father. If the widow prefers another man and runs away to him, the first husband’s relatives claim compensation, and threaten, in the event of its being refused, to abduct a girl from this man’s family in exchange for the widow. But no case of abduction has occurred in recent years. In Berar the compensation claimed in the case of a woman marrying out of the family amounts to Rs. 75, with Rs. 5 for the Naik or headman of the family. Should the widow elope without her brother—in—law’s consent, he chooses ten or twelve of his friends to go and sit dharna (starving themselves) before the hut of the man who has taken her. He is then bound to supply these men with food and liquor until he has paid the customary sum, when he may marry the widow. [200] In the event of the second husband being too poor to pay monetary compensation, he gives a goat, which is cut into eighteen pieces and distributed to the community. [201]
Birth and death.
After the birth of a child the mother is unclean for five days, and lives apart in a separate hut, which is run up for her use in the kuri or hamlet. On the sixth day she washes the feet of all the children in the kuri, feeds them and then returns to her husband’s hut. When a child is born in a moving tanda or camp, the same rule is observed, and for five days the mother walks alone after the camp during the daily march. The caste bury the bodies of unmarried persons and those dying of smallpox and burn the others. Their rites of mourning are not strict, and are observed only for three days. The Banjaras have a saying: “Death in a foreign land is to be preferred, where there are no kinsfolk to mourn, and the corpse is a feast for birds and animals”; but this may perhaps be taken rather as an expression of philosophic resignation to the fate which must be in store for many of them, than a real preference, as with most people the desire to die at home almost amounts to an instinct.
Religion: Banjari Devi.
One of the tutelary deities of the Banjaras is Banjari Devi, whose shrine is usually located in the forest. It is often represented by a heap of stones, a large stone smeared with vermilion being placed on the top of the heap to represent the goddess. When a Banjara passes the place he casts a stone upon the heap as a prayer to the goddess to protect him from the dangers of the forest. A similar practice of offering bells from the necks of cattle is recorded by Mr. Thurston: [202] “It is related by Moor that he passed a tree on which were hanging several hundred bells. This was a superstitious sacrifice of the Banjaras (Lambaris), who, passing this tree, are in the habit of hanging a bell or bells upon it, which they take from the necks of their sick cattle, expecting to leave behind them the complaint also. Our servants particularly cautioned us against touching these diabolical bells, but as a few of them were taken for our own cattle, several accidents which happened were imputed to the anger of the deity to whom these offerings were made; who, they say, inflicts the same disorder on the unhappy bullock who carries a bell from the tree, as that from which he relieved the donor.” In their houses the Banjari Devi is represented by a pack—saddle set on high in the room, and this is worshipped before the caravans set out on their annual tours.
Mithu Bhukia.
Another deity is Mithu Bhukia, an old freebooter, who lived in the Central Provinces; he is venerated by the dacoits as the most clever dacoit known in the annals of the caste, and a hut was usually set apart for him in each hamlet, a staff carrying a white flag being planted before it. Before setting out for a dacoity, the men engaged would assemble at the hut of Mithu Bhukia, and, burning a lamp before him, ask for an omen; if the wick of the lamp drooped the omen was propitious, and the men present then set out at once on the raid without returning home. They might not speak to each other nor answer if challenged; for if any one spoke the charm would be broken and the protection of Mithu Bhukia removed; and they should either return to take the omens again or give up that particular dacoity altogether. [203] It has been recorded as a characteristic trait of Banjaras that they will, as a rule, not answer if spoken to when engaged on a robbery, and the custom probably arises from this observance; but the worship of Mithu Bhukia is now frequently neglected. After a successful dacoity a portion of the spoil would be set apart for Mithu Bhukia, and of the balance the Naik or headman of the village received two shares if he participated in the crime; the man who struck the first blow or did most towards the common object also received two shares, and all the rest one share. With Mithu Bhukia’s share a feast was given at which thanks were returned to him for the success of the enterprise, a burnt offering of incense being made in his tent and a libation of liquor poured over the flagstaff. A portion of the food was sent to the women and children, and the men sat down to the feast. Women were not allowed to share in the worship of Mithu Bhukia nor to enter his hut.
Siva Bhaia.
Another favourite deity is Siva Bhaia, whose story is given by Colonel Mackenzie [204] as follows: “The love borne by Mari Mata, the goddess of cholera, for the handsome Siva Rathor, is an event of our own times (1874); she proposed to him, but his heart being pre—engaged he rejected her; and in consequence his earthly bride was smitten sick and died, and the hand of the goddess fell heavily on Siva himself, thwarting all his schemes and blighting his fortunes and possessions, until at last he gave himself up to her. She then possessed him and caused him to prosper exceedingly, gifting him with supernatural power until his fame was noised abroad, and he was venerated as the saintly Siva Bhaia or great brother to all women, being himself unable to marry. But in his old age the goddess capriciously wished him to marry and have issue, but he refused and was slain and buried at Pohur in Berar. A temple was erected over him and his kinsmen became priests of it, and hither large numbers are attracted by the supposed efficacy of vows made to Siva, the most sacred of all oaths being that taken in his name.” If a Banjara swears by Siva Bhaia, placing his right hand on the bare head of his son and heir, and grasping a cow’s tail in his left, he will fear to perjure himself, lest by doing so he should bring injury on his son and a murrain on his cattle. [205]
Worship of cattle.
Naturally also the Banjaras worshipped their pack—cattle. [206] “When sickness occurs they lead the sick man to the feet of the bullock called Hatadiya. [207] On this animal no burden is ever laid, but he is decorated with streamers of red—dyed silk, and tinkling bells with many brass chains and rings on neck and feet, and silken tassels hanging in all directions; he moves steadily at the head of the convoy, and at the place where he lies down when he is tired they pitch their camp for the day; at his feet they make their vows when difficulties overtake them, and in illness, whether of themselves or their cattle, they trust to his worship for a cure.”
Connection with the Sikhs.
Mr. Balfour also mentions in his paper that the Banjaras call themselves Sikhs, and it is noticeable that the Charan subcaste say that their ancestors were three Rajput boys who followed Guru Nanak, the prophet of the Sikhs. The influence of Nanak appears to have been widely extended over northern India, and to have been felt by large bodies of the people other than those who actually embraced the Sikh religion. Cumberlege states [208] that before starting to his marriage the bridegroom ties a rupee in his turban in honour of Guru Nanak, which is afterwards expended in sweetmeats. But otherwise the modern Banjaras do not appear to retain any Sikh observances.
Witchcraft.
“The Banjaras,” Sir A. Lyall writes, [209] “are terribly vexed by witchcraft, to which their wandering and precarious existence especially exposes them in the shape of fever, rheumatism and dysentery. Solemn inquiries are still held in the wild jungles where these people camp out like gipsies, and many an unlucky hag has been strangled by sentence of their secret tribunals.” The business of magic and witchcraft was in the hands of two classes of Bhagats or magicians, one good and the other bad, [210] who may correspond to the European practitioners of black and white magic. The good Bhagat is called Nimbu—katna or lemon—cutter, a lemon speared on a knife being a powerful averter of evil spirits. He is a total abstainer from meat and liquor, and fasts once a week on the day sacred to the deity whom he venerates, usually Mahadeo; he is highly respected and never panders to vice. But the Janta, the ’Wise or Cunning Man,’ is of a different type, and the following is an account of the devilry often enacted when a deputation visited him to inquire into the cause of a prolonged illness, a cattle murrain, a sudden death or other misfortune. A woman might often be called a Dakun or witch in spite, and when once this word had been used, the husband or nearest male relative would be regularly bullied into consulting the Janta.
Or if some woman had been ill for a week, an avaricious [211] husband or brother would begin to whisper foul play. Witchcraft would be mentioned, and the wise man called in. He would give the sufferer a quid of betel, muttering an incantation, but this rarely effected a cure, as it was against the interest of all parties that it should do so. The sufferer’s relatives would then go to their Naik, tell him that the sick person was bewitched, and ask him to send a deputation to the Janta or witch—doctor. This would be at once despatched, consisting of one male adult from each house in the hamlet, with one of the sufferer’s relatives. On the road the party would bury a bone or other article to test the wisdom of the witch—doctor. But he was not to be caught out, and on their arrival he would bid the deputation rest, and come to him for consultation on the following day. Meanwhile during the night the Janta would be thoroughly coached by some accomplice in the party. Next morning, meeting the deputation, he would tell every man all particulars of his name and family; name the invalid, and tell the party to bring materials for consulting the spirits, such as oil, vermilion, sugar, dates, cocoanut, chironji, [212] and sesamum. In the evening, holding a lamp, the Janta would be possessed by Mariai, the goddess of cholera; he would mention all particulars of the sick man’s illness, and indignantly inquire why they had buried the bone on the road, naming it and describing the place. If this did not satisfy the deputation, a goat would be brought, and he would name its sex with any distinguishing marks on the body.
The sick person’s representative would then produce his nazar or fee, formerly Rs. 25, but lately the double of this or more. The Janta would now begin a sort of chant, introducing the names of the families of the kuri other than that containing her who was to be proclaimed a witch, and heap on them all kinds of abuse. Finally, he would assume an ironic tone, extol the virtues of a certain family, become facetious, and praise its representative then present. This man would then question the Janta on all points regarding his own family, his connections, worldly goods, and what gods he worshipped, ask who was the witch, who taught her sorcery, and how and why she practised it in this particular instance. But the witch—doctor, having taken care to be well coached, would answer everything correctly and fix the guilt on to the witch. A goat would be sacrificed and eaten with liquor, and the deputation would return. The punishment for being proclaimed a Dakun or witch was formerly death to the woman and a fine to be paid by her relatives to the bewitched person’s family. The woman’s husband or her sons would be directed to kill her, and if they refused, other men were deputed to murder her, and bury the body at once with all the clothing and ornaments then on her person, while a further fine would be exacted from the family for not doing away with her themselves. But murder for witchcraft has been almost entirely stopped, and nowadays the husband, after being fined a few head of cattle, which are given to the sick man, is turned out of the village with his wife. It is quite possible, however, that an obnoxious old hag would even now not escape death, especially if the money fine were not forthcoming, and an instance is known in recent times of a mother being murdered by her three sons. The whole village combined to screen these amiable young men, and eventually they made the Janta the scapegoat, and he got seven years, while the murderers could not be touched.
Colonel Mackenzie writes that, “Curious to relate, the Jantas, known locally as Bhagats, in order to become possessed of their alleged powers of divination and prophecy, require to travel to Kazhe, beyond Surat, there to learn and be instructed by low—caste Koli impostors.” This is interesting as an instance of the powers of witchcraft being attributed by the Hindus or higher race to the indigenous primitive tribes, a rule which Dr. Tylor and Dr. Jevons consider to hold good generally in the history of magic.
Human sacrifice.
Several instances are known also of the Banjaras having practised human sacrifice. Mr. Thurston states: [213] “In former times the Lambadis, before setting out on a journey, used to procure a little child and bury it in the ground up to the shoulders, and then drive their loaded bullocks over the unfortunate victim. In proportion to the bullocks thoroughly trampling the child to death, so their belief in a successful journey increased.” The Abbe Dubois describes another form of sacrifice: [214]
“The Lambadis are accused of the still more atrocious crime of offering up human sacrifices. When they wish to perform this horrible act, it is said, they secretly carry off the first person they meet. Having conducted the victim to some lonely spot, they dig a hole in which they bury him up to the neck. While he is still alive they make a sort of lamp of dough made of flour, which they place on his head; this they fill with oil, and light four wicks in it. Having done this, the men and women join hands and, forming a circle, dance round their victim, singing and making a great noise until he expires.” Mr. Cumberlege records [215] the following statement of a child kidnapped by a Banjara caravan in 1871. After explaining how he was kidnapped and the tip of his tongue cut off to give him a defect in speech, the Kunbi lad, taken from Sahungarhi, in the Bhandara District, went on to say that, “The tanda (caravan) encamped for the night in the jungle. In the morning a woman named Gangi said that the devil was in her and that a sacrifice must be made. On this four men and three women took a boy to a place they had made for puja (worship). They fed him with milk, rice and sugar, and then made him stand up, when Gangi drew a sword and approached the child, who tried to run away; caught and brought back to this place, Gangi, holding the sword with both hands and standing on the child’s right side, cut off his head with one blow. Gangi collected the blood and sprinkled it on the idol; this idol is made of stone, is about 9 inches high, and has something sparkling in its forehead. The camp marched that day, and for four or five days consecutively, without another sacrifice; but on the fifth day a young woman came to the camp to sell curds, and having bought some, the Banjaras asked her to come in in the evening and eat with them. She did come, and after eating with the women slept in the camp. Early next morning she was sacrificed in the same way as the boy had been, but it took three blows to cut off her head; it was done by Gangi, and the blood was sprinkled on the stone idol. About a month ago Sitaram, a Gond lad, who had also been kidnapped and was in the camp, told me to run away as it had been decided to offer me up in sacrifice at the next Jiuti festival, so I ran away.” The child having been brought to the police, a searching and protracted inquiry was held, which, however, determined nothing, though it did not disprove his story.
Admission of outsiders: kidnapped children and slaves.
The Banjara caste is not closed to outsiders, but the general rule is to admit only women who have been married to Banjara men. Women of the lowest and impure castes are excluded, and for some unknown reason the Patwas [216] and Nunias are bracketed with these. In Nimar it is stated that formerly Gonds, Korkus and even Balahis [217] might become Banjaras, but this does not happen now, because the caste has lost its occupation of carrying goods, and there is therefore no inducement to enter it. In former times they were much addicted to kidnapping children–these were whipped up or enticed away whenever an opportunity presented itself during their expeditions. The children were first put into the gonis or grain bags of the bullocks and so carried for a few days, being made over at each halt to the care of a woman, who would pop the child back into its bag if any stranger passed by the encampment. The tongues of boys were sometimes slit or branded with hot gold, this last being the ceremony of initiation into the caste still used in Nimar. Girls, if they were as old as seven, were sometimes disfigured for fear of recognition, and for this purpose the juice of the marking—nut [218] tree would be smeared on one side of the face, which burned into the skin and entirely altered the appearance. Such children were known as Jangar. Girls would be used as concubines and servants of the married wife, and boys would also be employed as servants. Jangar boys would be married to Jangar girls, both remaining in their condition of servitude. But sometimes the more enterprising of them would abscond and settle down in a village. The rule was that for seven generations the children of Jangars or slaves continued in that condition, after which they were recognised as proper Banjaras.
The Jangar could not draw in smoke through the stem of the huqqa when it was passed round in the assembly, but must take off the stem and inhale from the bowl. The Jangar also could not eat off the bell—metal plates of his master, because these were liable to pollution, but must use brass plates. At one time the Banjaras conducted a regular traffic in female slaves between Gujarat and Central India, selling in each country the girls whom they had kidnapped in the other. [219]'
Dress.
Up to twelve years of age a Charan girl only wears a skirt with a shoulder—cloth tucked into the waist and carried over the left arm and the head. After this she may have anklets and bangles on the forearm and a breast—cloth. But until she is married she may not have the wankri or curved anklet, which marks that estate, nor wear bone or ivory bangles on the upper arm. [220] When she is ten years old a Labhana girl is given two small bundles containing a nut, some cowries and rice, which are knotted to two corners of the dupatta or shoulder—cloth and hung over the shoulder, one in front and one behind. This denotes maidenhood. The bundles are considered sacred, are always knotted to the shoulder—cloth in wear, and are only removed to be tucked into the waist at the girl’s marriage, where they are worn till death. These bundles alone distinguish the Labhana from the Mathuria woman. Women often have their hair hanging down beside the face in front and woven behind with silver thread into a plait down the back. This is known as Anthi, and has a number of cowries at the end.
They have large bell—shaped ornaments of silver tied over the head and hanging down behind the ears, the hollow part of the ornament being stuffed with sheep’s wool dyed red; and to these are attached little bells, while the anklets on the feet are also hollow and contain little stones or balls, which tinkle as they move. They have skirts, and separate short cloths drawn across the shoulders according to the northern fashion, usually red or green in colour, and along the skirt—borders double lines of cowries are sewn. Their breast—cloths are profusely ornamented with needle—work embroidery and small pieces of glass sewn into them, and are tied behind with cords of many colours whose ends are decorated with cowries and beads. Strings of beads, ten to twenty thick, threaded on horse—hair, are worn round the neck. Their favourite ornaments are cowries, [221] and they have these on their dress, in their houses and on the trappings of their bullocks. On the arms they have ten or twelve bangles of ivory, or in default of this lac, horn or cocoanut—shell. Mr. Ball states that he was “at once struck by the peculiar costumes and brilliant clothing of these Indian gipsies.
They recalled to my mind the appearance of the gipsies of the Lower Danube and Wallachia.” [222] The most distinctive ornament of a Banjara married woman is, however, a small stick about 6 inches long made of the wood of the khair or catechu. In Nimar this is given to a woman by her husband at marriage, and she wears it afterwards placed upright on the top of the head, the hair being wound round it and the head—cloth draped over it in a graceful fashion. Widows leave it off, but on remarriage adopt it again. The stick is known as chunda by the Banjaras, but outsiders call it singh or horn. In Yeotmal, instead of one, the women have two little sticks fixed upright in the hair. The rank of the woman is said to be shown by the angle at which she wears this horn. [223] The dress of the men presents no features of special interest. In Nimar they usually have a necklace of coral beads, and some of them carry, slung on a thread round the neck, a tin tooth—pick and ear—scraper, while a small mirror and comb are kept in the head—cloth so that their toilet can be performed anywhere.
Mr. Cumberlege [224] notes that in former times all Charan Banjaras when carrying grain for an army placed a twig of some tree, the sacred nim [225] when available, in their turban to show that they were on the war—path; and that they would do the same now if they had occasion to fight to the death on any social matter or under any supposed grievance.
Social customs.
The Banjaras eat all kinds of meat, including fowls and pork, and drink liquor. But the Mathurias abstain from both flesh and liquor. Major Gunthorpe states that the Banjaras are accustomed to drink before setting out for a dacoity or robbery and, as they smoke after drinking, the remains of leaf—pipes lying about the scene of action may indicate their handiwork. They rank below the cultivating castes, and Brahmans will not take water to drink from them. When engaged in the carrying trade, they usually lived in kuris or hamlets attached to such regular villages as had considerable tracts of waste land belonging to them. When the tanda or caravan started on its long carrying trips, the young men and some of the women went with it with the working bullocks, while the old men and the remainder of the women and children remained to tend the breeding cattle in the hamlet. In Nimar they generally rented a little land in the village to give them a footing, and paid also a carrying fee on the number of cattle present. Their spare time was constantly occupied in the manufacture of hempen twine and sacking, which was much superior to that obtainable in towns. Even in Captain Forsyth’s [226] time (1866) the construction of railways and roads had seriously interfered with the Banjaras’ calling, and they had perforce taken to agriculture. Many of them have settled in the new ryotwari villages in Nimar as Government tenants. They still grow tilli [227] in preference to other crops, because this oilseed can be raised without much labour or skill, and during their former nomadic life they were accustomed to sow it on any poor strip of land which they might rent for a season.
Some of them also are accustomed to leave a part of their holding untilled in memory of their former and more prosperous life. In many villages they have not yet built proper houses, but continue to live in mud huts thatched with grass. They consider it unlucky to inhabit a house with a cement or tiled roof; this being no doubt a superstition arising from their camp life. Their houses must also be built so that the main beams do not cross, that is, the main beam of a house must never be in such a position that if projected it would cut another main beam; but the beams may be parallel. The same rule probably governed the arrangement of tents in their camps. In Nimar they prefer to live at some distance from water, probably that is of a tank or river; and this seems to be a survival of a usage mentioned by the Abbe Dubois: [228] “Among other curious customs of this odious caste is one that obliges them to drink no water which is not drawn from springs or wells. The water from rivers and tanks being thus forbidden, they are obliged in case of necessity to dig a little hole by the side of a tank or river and take the water filtering through, which, by this means, is supposed to become spring water.” It is possible that this rule may have had its origin in a sanitary precaution. Colonel Sleeman notes [229] that the Banjaras on their carrying trips preferred by—paths through jungles to the high roads along cultivated plains, as grass, wood and water were more abundant along such paths; and when they could not avoid the high roads, they commonly encamped as far as they could from villages and towns, and upon the banks of rivers and streams, with the same object of obtaining a sufficient supply of grass, wood and water. Now it is well known that the decaying vegetation in these hill streams renders the water noxious and highly productive of malaria. And it seems possible that the perception of this fact led the Banjaras to dig shallow wells by the sides of the streams for their drinking—water, so that the supply thus obtained might be in some degree filtered by percolation through the intervening soil and freed from its vegetable germs.
And the custom may have grown into a taboo, its underlying reason being unknown to the bulk of them, and be still practised, though no longer necessary when they do not travel. If this explanation be correct it would be an interesting conclusion that the Banjaras anticipated so far as they were able the sanitary precaution by which our soldiers are supplied with portable filters when on the march.
The Naik or headman. Banjara dogs.
Each kuri (hamlet) or tanda (caravan) had a chief or leader with the designation of Naik, a Telugu word meaning ’lord’ or ’master.’ The office of Naik [230] was only partly hereditary, and the choice also depended on ability. The Naik had authority to decide all disputes in the community, and the only appeal from him lay to the representatives of Bhangi and Jhangi Naik’s families at Narsi and Poona, and to Burthia Naik’s successors in the Telugu country. As already seen, the Naik received two shares if he participated in a robbery or other crime, and a fee on the remarriage of a widow outside her family and on the discovery of a witch. Another matter in which he was specially interested was pig—sticking. The Banjaras have a particular breed of dogs, and with these they were accustomed to hunt wild pig on foot, carrying spears. When a pig was killed, the head was cut off and presented to the Naik or headman, and if any man was injured or gored by the pig in the hunt, the Naik kept and fed him without charge until he recovered.
The following notice of the Banjaras and their dogs may be reproduced: [231] “They are brave and have the reputation of great independence, which I am not disposed to allow to them. The Wanjari indeed is insolent on the road, and will drive his bullocks up against a Sahib or any one else; but at any disadvantage he is abject enough. I remember one who rather enjoyed seeing his dogs attack me, whom he supposed alone and unarmed, but the sight of a cocked pistol made him very quick in calling them off, and very humble in praying for their lives, which I spared less for his entreaties than because they were really noble animals. The Wanjaris are famous for their dogs, of which there are three breeds. The first is a large, smooth dog, generally black, sometimes fawn—coloured, with a square heavy head, most resembling the Danish boarhound. This is the true Wanjari dog. The second is also a large, square—headed dog, but shaggy, more like a great underbred spaniel than anything else. The third is an almost tailless greyhound, of the type known all over India by the various names of Lat, Polygar, Rampuri, etc. They all run both by sight and scent, and with their help the Wanjaris kill a good deal of game, chiefly pigs; but I think they usually keep clear of the old fighting boars. Besides sport and their legitimate occupations the Wanjaris seldom stickle at supplementing their resources by theft, especially of cattle; and they are more than suspected of infanticide.”
The Banjaras are credited with great affection for their dogs, and the following legend is told about one of them: Once upon a time a Banjara, who had a faithful dog, took a loan from a Bania (moneylender) and pledged his dog with him as security for payment. And some time afterwards, while the dog was with the moneylender, a theft was committed in his house, and the dog followed the thieves and saw them throw the property into a tank. When they went away the dog brought the Bania to the tank and he found his property. He was therefore very pleased with the dog and wrote a letter to his master, saying that the loan was repaid, and tied it round his neck and said to him, ’Now, go back to your master.’ So the dog started back, but on his way he met his master, the Banjara, coming to the Bania with the money for the repayment of the loan. And when the Banjara saw the dog he was angry with him, not seeing the letter, and thinking he had run away, and said to him, ’Why did you come, betraying your trust?’ and he killed the dog in a rage. And after killing him he found the letter and was very grieved, so he built a temple to the dog’s memory, which is called the Kukurra Mandhi. And in the temple is the image of a dog. This temple is in the Drug District, five miles from Balod. A similar story is told of the temple of Kukurra Math in Mandla.
Criminal tendencies of the caste.
The following notice of Banjara criminals is abstracted from Major Gunthorpe’s interesting account: [232] “In the palmy days of the tribe dacoities were undertaken on the most extensive scale. Gangs of fifty to a hundred and fifty well—armed men would go long distances from their tandas or encampments for the purpose of attacking houses in villages, or treasure—parties or wealthy travellers on the high roads. The more intimate knowledge which the police have obtained concerning the habits of this race, and the detection and punishment of many criminals through approvers, have aided in stopping the heavy class of dacoities formerly prevalent, and their operations are now on a much smaller scale. In British territory arms are scarcely carried, but each man has a good stout stick (gedi), the bark of which is peeled off so as to make it look whitish and fresh. The attack is generally commenced by stone—throwing and then a rush is made, the sticks being freely used and the victims almost invariably struck about the head or face. While plundering, Hindustani is sometimes spoken, but as a rule they never utter a word, but grunt signals to one another. Their loin—cloths are braced up, nothing is worn on the upper part of the body, and their faces are generally muffled. In house dacoities men are posted at different corners of streets, each with a supply of well—chosen round stones to keep off any people coming to the rescue. Banjaras are very expert cattle—lifters, sometimes taking as many as a hundred head or even more at a time.
This kind of robbery is usually practised in hilly or forest country where the cattle are sent to graze. Secreting themselves they watch for the herdsman to have his usual midday doze and for the cattle to stray to a little distance. As many as possible are then driven off to a great distance and secreted in ravines and woods. If questioned they answer that the animals belong to landowners and have been given into their charge to graze, and as this is done every day the questioner thinks nothing more of it. After a time the cattle are quietly sold to individual purchasers or taken to markets at a distance.”
Their virtues.
The Banjaras, however, are far from being wholly criminal, and the number who have adopted an honest mode of livelihood is continually on the increase. Some allowance must be made for their having been deprived of their former calling by the cessation of the continual wars which distracted India under native rule, and the extension of roads and railways which has rendered their mode of transport by pack—bullocks almost entirely obsolete. At one time practically all the grain exported from Chhattisgarh was carried by them. In 1881 Mr. Kitts noted that the number of Banjaras convicted in the Berar criminal courts was lower in proportion to the strength of the caste than that of Muhammadans, Brahmans, Koshtis or Sunars, [233] though the offences committed by them were usually more heinous. Colonel Mackenzie had quite a favourable opinion of them: “A Banjara who can read and write is unknown.
But their memories, from cultivation, are marvellous and very retentive. They carry in their heads, without slip or mistake, the most varied and complicated transactions and the share of each in such, striking a debtor and creditor account as accurately as the best—kept ledger, while their history and songs are all learnt by heart and transmitted orally from generation to generation. On the whole, and taken rightly in their clannish nature, their virtues preponderate over their vices. In the main they are truthful and very brave, be it in war or the chase, and once gained over are faithful and devoted adherents. With the pride of high descent and with the right that might gives in unsettled and troublous times, these Banjaras habitually lord it over and contemn the settled inhabitants of the plains. And now not having foreseen their own fate, or at least not timely having read the warnings given by a yearly diminishing occupation, which slowly has taken their bread away, it is a bitter pill for them to sink into the ryot class or, oftener still, under stern necessity to become the ryot’s servant. But they are settling to their fate, and the time must come when all their peculiar distinctive marks and traditions will be forgotten.”
The Banjara by Ibbetson
This article is an extract from PANJAB CASTES SIR DENZIL CHARLES JELF IBBETSON, K.C. S.I. Being a reprint of the chapter on Lahore: Printed by the Superintendent, Government Printing, Punjab, 1916. Indpaedia is an archive. It neither agrees nor disagrees |
The Banjara
Caste No. 94
This and the following or Labana caste are generally said to be identical, being called Banjara in the eastern districts and Labana in the whole of the Panjab proper. But Banjara, derived from banij a trader ^' or perhaps from bangi a pedlar's pack is used in the west of the Panjab as a generic term for pedlar,^' and I have therefore kept the figures distinct. Indeed it is to be feared that in that part of the Province many persons have been shown as Banjara in consequence of their occupation only.
The Banjaras of the eastern districts are a well-marked class, of whom a long and very complete description will be found in Elliotts Race of the N .W.P Vol. I, pages .)52-56. They are the great travelling traders and carriers of Central India, the Deccan and Rajputana ; and under the Afghan and MUghal Empires were the commissariat of the imperial forces. There is a simile applied to a dying person ; The Banjara goes into the jungle with his stick in his hand. He is ready for the journey, and there is no body with him. From Sir N. ElliotJ/s description they seem to be a very composite class, including sections of various origin.
But the original Ban jara caste is said to have its habitat in the sub-montane tract from Gorakhpur to Hardwar. The Banjnras of the North-West Provinces come annually into the Jamna districts and Eastern States in the cold weather Avith letters of credit on the local merchants, and Iniy up large numbers of cattle which they take back again for sale as the summer approaches ; and it is principally these men and the Banjara carriers from Rajputana to whom our figures for Hindu Banjaras refer. The Musalman Banjaras are probably almost all ]Pedlars.
The headmen of the Banjara parties are called Naik (Sanskrit Nayaka chief ) and Banjaras in general are not uncommonly known by this name. The Railway is fast destroying the carrying trade of these people except in the mountain tracts. The word Banjara is apparently sometimes used for an oculist, so at least JNIr. Baden-Powell states. (See further under Mahtam, section 49 supra)
SeeThe Labana
Banjara: Deccan
This article is an extract from THE CASTES AND TRIBES OF H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS BY SYED SIRAJ UL HASSAN Of Merton College, Oxford, Trinity College, Dublin, and Middle Temple, London. One of the Judges of H. E. H. the Nizam's High Court of Judicature : Lately Director of Public Instruction. BOMBAY THE TlMES PRESS 1920 Indpaedia is an archive. It neither agrees nor disagrees |
Brinjara, Lambadi, Lamane, Wanjara, Gohar Hetkeri (Carnatic) — grain and salt carriers, cattle-breeders and cattle dealers, found all over the Dominions, but especially in the Districts of Warangal and Adilabad, which abound in rich pastures. They have no settled homes, but lead a wandering life in bands, each band being under a hereditary leader styled naik, to whom implicit obedience is yielded by the men. Their camp, comprising a large number of followers with their pack bullocks, is known as tanda. The naik exercises complete authority over his men. settles caste disputes and direits the movements of the tanda when travelling.
The men are fine, muscular fellows, of medium height, with generally a Rajput caste of countenance. They are strong and energetic and capable of enduring long and fatiguing marches. Their ordinary dress is the dhoti, a covering reaching to the hips, and a pagri, or turban of several folds, wound round the head. The women are, as a rule, comely in appearance and as active as the men in their business avocations. They wear a lainga, or skirt, of coarse cotton prints, rich in embroidery work and hung from the waist in ample folds. A phadki (odni), or scarf, of a similar texture, is carelessly thrown over (she shoulders and on the head, where it rests on a sort of a horn or wooden comb. A bodice, or choli, with long sleeves and tastefully embroidered in front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom and is tied at the back by bands, the ends of which are ornamented with cowries, beads, and gaudy- coloured tassels of cotton. About their necks they wear a silver or brass hasali and a profusion of bead strings with a pendant of cowrie shells threaded on horse Jiair. On their wrists they wear brass and horn bracelets, 10 or 12 in number, extending, on extending arm, to the elbow and sometimes to the arm-pit. Brass or horn anklets with jingling bells are worn on the feet. Their movements are easy, graceful and stately, rendered slow from the quantity of ornaments they wear. The hair is parted in the centre, combed back, plaited and profusely decked with silk and cotton tassels. Heavy pendants of silver plaited in the hair hang over their cheeks. The well-to-do women wear silver ear-rings and a gold or gilt nose-ring. The Banjara women seldom change their clothes till they are tattered and torn and are only renewed by new ones.
The Banjara tandas are always on the move ; but during ths four rainy months they encamp on the outskirts of villages, generally on some dry spots where there is good grazing, their pals being made of coarse stout cloth fastened' with ropes. Their means of carriage is usually the bullock ; but it is no unusual thing to see even cows laden with burdens, with young calves at their heels. One of their best bullocks is selected as leader. His horns and the crest of his pack saddle are ornamented with cowrie shells, scarlet cloth, peacock feathers and tassels of silk, his neck is encircled with brass chains and a band of scarlet cloth or leather, to which are fastened numerous bells which, as he walks, give out a monotonous sound. He is supposed to be deified, being devoted to Balaji, forms the protector of the herd, and is termed Guru Bail. At his feet the Banjaras make their vows when difficulties overtake them, and in illness, whether of themselves or of cattle, they trust to his worship for a cure. As soon as the march is over, the cattle are let loose to browse in the vicinity and at night they are tied round the packages of loads in a circle. In the midst, the Banjara lights the fire and goes to sleep. He is up at sunrise, loads his bullocks and proceeds to the next stage.
Names and their Derivations
The name Banjara is supposed to be derived from the Persian Berinj Armi meaning 'dealer in rice' Some derive it from the Sanskrit Banij — a merchant. The Banjaras have other names, as Lamani, derived from the Sanskrit Laoana — salt; Wanjari, from Vana — a forest; and'" Lambadi, from Lamban — length, which has probably reference to the long line or train in which their bullocks move. Their tribal name is gohar — a man.
Origin
The Banjaras claim to be descended from Mota and Mola, the two brothers who tended Sri Krishna's cows. From Mota sprang the ancestors of the modern Marwaris, Mathura Banjaras and Labhanas. Mola, having no issue, once visited a prince's court, with his wife Radha, and there exhibited gymnastic feats, in which he was an adept. The prince was so pleased with Mola s skill and so charmed with Radha's beauty and grace, that he gave them, as reward, three infant boys of different castes, whom they adopted as sons. In course of time the boys grew up and were married. Their progeny have been collectively known as Charan Banjaras.
This account, ascribing to the Banjaras a mixed parentage, appears to have been founded on fact. There can be no doubt that these people, so varied in their characteristics, were recruited from different races of Northern India' and bound together by ties of common occupation. The Banjaras are alluded to by Arrian as one of the classes of Indian Society. In Dashakumar Charitra, a work written by Dandi, mention is made of a cock fight in a Banjara camp. It is said that these grain carriers came into the Deccan with the Moghal armies early in the 17th century. Their carrying trade has been noticed by almost all European travellers of the past three centuries. Thus, Mandelso wrote of them in 1638 A.D. as buying wheat and rice in the markets of the Deccan towns and carrying them to Hindustan in caravans sometimes of ten thousand animals ("Mandelso in Haris", p. 130). In the accounts of Sir A. Wellesley's campaigns in the Deccan, they are frequently mentioned as supplying his forces with food and forage. " Many thousands of them," says the Abbe Dubois, "were employed by the English for transporting their provisions in the last war with the Sultan of Mysore " (" Abbe Dubois ", p. 451). " They seem to have derived their whole origin and organisation," remarks Mr. Lyall, "from the long wars of the Delhi Emperors in the south, and the restoration of peace and prosperity is breaking them up. Neither trade nor their tribal system can survive another generation of English predominance. "
Internal Structure
The Banjaras are divided into four tribes— (1) Mathura, (2) Labhani. (3) Charan, (4) Dhadia. who do not intermarry nor eat together. The Dhalias, or Banjul Mangs, constitute the fifth class and are attached as musicians to each Banjara tdndd, 'although even their touch is regarded as impure by other classes. Mathura Banjaras claim to be of the highest rank and purest blood, coming probably, as their name indicates, from Mathura in Upper India and tracing their origin from the mythical founder Mota, Sri Krishna's herdsman. Their tdndds are chiefly confined to the hilly tracts of the Kinwat, Bodan and Hadgaon Talukas, where they rear fine bullocks and cows. , During the dry season, they visit different markets and dispose of their commodities, returning, in the rains, to their head-quarters in the hills, f hey have six exoganjous groups : — (1) Chaupad, (2) Padwad, (3) Basi, (4) Goli, (5) Khichkad, (6) Kakar, which differ from those of the Charans and appear to have been introduced after their immigration into the Deccan. The original surname of the Chaupads was supposed to be Sabade. From Padwad sprang three different clans — (1) Bharwat, (2) Bathada, (3) Antarvedi, who do not intermarry. Each of the ather groups is subdivided into families — Basi into Basi and Barad, Goli • into Goli and Tatiria and Khichkad into Khichkad and Dhirbi. The Kakar group has become extinct. Mathuras are fairer in com- plexion than other Banjaras and, unlike the latter, are neat and cleanly in their habits, washmg their bodies daily. They wear the sacred thread and do not eat animal food nor food cooked by any caste except their own. At their meals they are very careful to keep a fire burning, eating no more if by chance the fire goes out. Their widows are not allowed to marry again, nor are they permitted to wear bracelets or bangles on their wrists. Until a Mathura girl attains the age of puberty, she is required to retain, as a symbol, cowrie shells and betel-nuts, tied in the skirt of her garment. Mathuras have their own bhdts, or genealogists, whom they employ in the settlement of marriages. Their important festival is Gokul- dshtami, or the celebration of Krishna's birthday, which they perform with great pomp and rejoicings on the 8th of the dark half of Shravan (August-Sept?mber). They^, speak a dialect which is a mixture gf Hindi and Gujarathi. The Charans form the majority of the Banjaras found in Hyderabad territory. The origin of their name is obscure. • They have five exogamous sections — (1) Rathod, (2) Panwar, (3) Chavan, (4) Badtiya or Vadtiya and (5) Tori, all of the eponymous character, being the names of their founders Of these founders, the first three were the adopted sons of their legendary ancestor Mola ; the fourth, Badtiya, was believed to have been the offspring of the grand-daughter of Panwar by a Brahman ; Tori, the last, while an infant, was found by Mola exposed in a farm and brought up by him as his own son. The development of thesa five primary branches into several families is illustrated in the genea- logical table given below : — Barmawat, the son of Niyatji and the grandson of Badtiya, had no issue. He got a son by the favour of Khaja Mohln-u^din of Ajmere, and named him Ajmirya, after the residence of tke saint. Ajmirya had six sons— (1) Sailu, (2) Rama, (3) Babila, (4) Tota, (5) Manna and (6) Bhand, whose descendants have adopted Ajmirya as their gotra.
Of the five original Charan Banjara clans, Rathods and Badtiyas or Vadtiyas are chiefly found in H. H. The Nizam's Dominions, the Rathods occupying the Marathawada Districts adjoining Berar and the Badtiyas abounding in Telingana. Both these clans are said to have come to the Deccan with the armies of Asaf Jah, the Vazir of Shah Jahan, who campaigned against Bijapur about the year 1630 A.D. The Rathod Banjaras, under their naiks Bhangi and Jhangi, had 180,000 bullocks, which formed the army commissariat of the Vazir and, in order to keep up the supply of grain and fodder, they secured from him the following prescriptive rights engraved in golden letters on a copper plate :-^ " Ranjan ka pani, chappar ka ghas ; " Din ka teen khun maff, " Aur jahan Asaf Jah ke ghore " Wahan Bhangi Jhangi ke bail." A very free rendering of this inscription would be : — (Bhangi and Jhangi may freely have) pots of water and grass for chappars (roofs) ; three murders a day will be pardoned, (because) where Asaf Jah's horses (cavalry) are, there (are) Bhangi's and Jhangi's bullocks. This plate remains in the possession of the descendants of Bhangi, who are still recognised by the Hyderabad court ; and on the death of the representative of this family his successor receives a khiUat from His Highness the Nizam. * •
Bhagwandas, the naik of the Badtiya Banjaras, was also said to have accompanied the army and asked for a similar right, which was refused. This led to a feud between the rival clans, which gathered strength after the campaign was over and the Charans remained in the Deccan. "One day when Bhangi Naik was returning from the Hyderabad Darbar with four followers, he was attacked in daylight by Bhagwandas who, with a number of followers, killed all five men. On the Charans complaining to the Nizam, they were told to take their revenge, which they shortly did : and headed by Narayan Bhangi, son of the deceased, they fell unex- pectedly on Bhagwandas in such large numbers that he and one hundred of his followers were killed. The Badtiyas availed (sic. ?) their turn and attacking the Rathods killed a number of them and took away their standard. This standard is a yearly present from H. H. the Nizam who gives Bhangi's descendants eight ' thans of khddi ' of sixteen yards a than for a new standard. This standard is now in the possession of the Badtiyas, though the Rathods have made many attempts to regain it and the feud will exist so long as the Badtiyas remain in possession of it." (Berar Gazetteer.)
The Charans have a bad name for highway robbery and daksuti and are under the strict surveillance of the police. They do not, however, appear to be hereditary criminals and have taken to a course of rapine and pillage owing to the decline of their original trade. They are now settling down to respectable means of liveli- hood and it may be that, in a few years, their criminal propensities will be entirely repressed.
The Dhadis profess themselves to be bards and genealogists of the Charans, from whom they are probably an offshoot. They are a hybrid tribe, half Muhammadan and half Hindu ; they observe circumcision like Muhammadans, but worship the Hindu deities, Specially the goddess Saraswati. They subsist by begging alms from the Charans and singing songs in praise of their Charan ancestors and the Emperors of Delhi. It is believed that they embraced the faith of Islam during the time of the Emperor Humayun.
Marriage
A man cannot marry outside the sub-caste nor inside the section to which he belongs. He is also forbidden to marry a woman belonging to his (1) mother's section, (2) paternal or maternal grand-mother's section and (3) paternal or maternal great grand-mother's section. A man may marry two sisters. Two brothers are allowed to marry two sisters. Polygamy is permitted to any extent, but is rarely practised.
Banjara girls are not usually married under twelve years of age. Sexual licence before marriage is tolerated on the understanding that if a girl becomes pregnant her lover shall come forward to m9.rry her. The bride's price varies according to the means of the bridegroom, but is, in no case, less than Rs. 121/-. Half the amount is paid at the betrothal and the remaining half is paid when the bridegroom comes to the bride's house for the marriage.
The proposal for marriage comes from the father of the boy and, on the match being settled, betel-leaves and molasses are distri- buted to the guests in token of confirmation. Bada Guda, pr the betrothal, follows. The bridegroom's father and relatives visit the bride's house. After the horoscopes of the parties have been examined and found to agree by an tstrologer, the bride's father, in the presence of the caste Panchayai, promises to give his daughter in marriage to the proposed boy. Molasses (gur) and betel-leaves are distributed to the whole land (encampment) and the assembly disperses. A considerable quantity of liquor is consumed on the occasion. The betrothal expenses are shared equally by both parties. The marriage ceremony is performed at the bride's house. It takes place at midnight in the months of Kartika, Falguna and Ashadha. One day previous to the wedding, the bridegroom starts out on foot to the bride's village, accompanied by a friend or two. The bridegroom has in his hands a sword and a dagger while his companion carries a tobacco pipe. On arrival they are welcomed by the bride's father and are given separate lodgings. A marriage booth, supported on four posts of palas {Butea FrondosE) and covered over with a blanket, ss erected in front of the bride's house. Under the booth a square of ground is smeared with cow-dung and at each corner are piled nine earthen vessels one upon the other. In the centre two wooden pestles of khair (Acacia catechu are planted and decorated
with bunches of mango leaves. By the side of th» eastern post a small stool is placed. The following plan illustrates the arrangement—
Fridays and Sundays are regarded as auspicious days for marriages. Previous to the wedding, the bride is seated on the stool, rubbed over by her sisters with turmeric and oil, and bathed. Then comes the bridegroom's turn and while he is being bathed on the stool, a mischievous girl flings round his neck the bride's lainga (petti- coat) and with it pulls him backwards unawares so as to make him fall flat on his back. Great fun is made at the expense of the poor boy. Dressed in wedding clothes, the bridal pair are next seated side by side on a bullock saddle near the posts. After the worship of Ganpati and other deities, the Brahman priest joins their right hands and ties their garments in a knot, in which is enclosed one rupee given by the bride's father. A sacrificial fire is kindled between the pestles and fed with seven kinds of wood, viz., mango (Mangijera indica), tendu {Diosp\)ros 'melanoxylon), sag (Tectona grandis), palas (Sutea jrondosa), nim (Melia indica), tamarind {Tamarindus indica) and hadh (Ficus hengalensis). When the fire is well ablaze, the bridal pair march seven times round the pestles and the fire, keeping these always tO' their right side, the women singing songs and the priest repeating mantras the whole time. These seven jeras (rounds) are regarded as the binding portion of the ceremony. After the pair have resumed their seats, bhe priest makes offerings of [sahi) grain to the fire. On this occasion, he is surrounded by mischievous lasses of the tdndd who pinch and prick him on all sides, smear his body with cow-dung, try to strip him naked and tease him in every way possible. On the third day the whole tdndd is entertained at a feast, liquor in plenty being consumed at the time. A Brahman is engaged to perform the ceremony ; but if one is not available, a member of the tanda, supposed to trace his origin from a Brahman, wears the sacred thread and acts as priest. The bride's father has to make her a present of a young bullock with pack saddle, a complete set of ornaments and a sufficient number of laingas to last her for life. On the early morning of the fourth day, the wedded pair, mounted on the bullock, set out for the bridegroom s encampment. The bride departs singing blessings on her parents. At some distance, the party stop for the day and a grand feast is given in their honour to the whole tanda. The parting scene follows. The bride, with her eyes filled with tears at the grief of separation, embraces all her relatives and friends, who each present her with a rupee and at last the pair are sent off with a heavy heart. The Brahman receives Rs. 1-4-0 as the marriage fee (dakshana).
Widow Marriage
Widow marriage is allowed by the Charan Banjaras, the widow being required to marry her late husband's younger brother or, in default, some other member of his family. If she persists in marrying an outsider he is made to pay to her former mother-in-law Rs. 60, or half the price paid for her as a virgin. The ceremony of a widow-marriage consists or the pair being made to sit face to face on a bullock saddle and to feed each other with molasses and cooked rice. Divorce is recognised and is effected by breaking a piece of straw before the caste Panchayat in token of separation. Unchastity is not tolerated and a woman whose virtue is in question, has to undergo a solemn ordeal '.n order to establish her innocence. A woman detected in a liaison with a member of an inferior caste is turned out of the community. Female infanticide is said to be still in vogue among them, in con- sequence of the large sums of money required to ornament and clothe the girl on her marriage.
Inheritance
The devolution of property is governed by a tribal usage. The youngest son is allowed the first choice in the shares and the eldest son is given a cow in addition to his own share. The Banjaras are never known to go to law, but settle their disputes in their caste Panchayat, presided over by the naik The decision of the Panchayat is never disputed.
Religion
The religion of the Banjaras is of the orthodox type. Their special deity is Kalika Devi, or Bhavani, whose image is embossed on silver and worshipped in every Banjara household.
Once a year her 'worship is celebrated with great pomp and cere- mony by the whole tanda. On a Tuesday in the month of Kartika (November-December), six sheep are taken before her, washed and decapitated. Seven bones from the left leg of each sheep with twenty-one small heaps of cooked rice and molasses are offered to the godddess and subsequently eaten by the votaries at three meals. On the Dassera holiday the goddess is propitiated with offerings of black ram and liquor. The other deities honoured by the tribe are Hanuman and £alaji, to whom offerings of flowers, cows' milk and sweetmeats are made in the Divali holidays. The memory of their great heroes. Shiva Bhaiya and Matha Bhakayya, is perpe- tuated in 'their annual worship, when offerings of sheep and goats are made to them and afterwards partaken of by the devotees. Matha Bhakayya was a notorious free-booter, whose daring commanded the respect of his community. He is said to be still worshipped before the commission of crime. Shiva Bhaiya was a great saint and has a temple dedicated lo him in Berar. Guru Nanak, the founder of the Sikh sect, is held in the greatest reverence and many Banjaras pay a visit, in his honour, to the great Sikh temple at Nander. In addition to these, the Banjaras appease minor deities, such as Mari Ai, Sitala Devi, Khanderao, and several others, with a variety of offerings. Homage is also done to Muhammadan saints and pirs by the members of the tribe. They observe all the Hindu festivals, the most favourite with them being Holi in Falgun (March). Men and women throw aside all feelings of modesty and give free vent to their vicious propensities. Great licentiousness is said to prevail on the occasion. A few of the Banjaras, who have settled down in the Telugu parts of the State, have been brought under the sectarian influences of Shri Vaishanava and Aradhi Brahmans. They are in other words divided into Tirmanidharis and Vibhutidharis like the other Telugu castes.
The Banjaras have a strong belief in witch-craft. Women are generally supposed to be expert in the black art and are often accused of having caused sickness to a person, or brought calamity on a family. Witch-finders are employed in divining thf witches, and a woman, denounced as a sorceress, is secretly done to death. Many a Banjara woman has been tortured to death under this horrii suspicion. Brahmans are employed for religious and ceremonial purp6ses. The oath most sacred to the community is that of Shiva Bhaiya, taken while holding the tail of a cow.
Disposal of the Dead
The dead are usually burnt, but are occasionally buried in a lying posture with the face downwards and the head pointing towards the south. Unmarried persons, persons dying of cholera or smallpox, and children, are buried. On the third day after death the ashes are collected in a heap with fwigs of the ^f plant (Calotropis gigantea) and sprinkled over with sheep's milk. The mourners thereupon resort to a well where they are f'id with ^rnalidd or a mixture of gur (molasses) and rice. On the 10th day, a feast is given to the caste people. No Srcdha is performed. Widows do not wear bangles after the decease of their husbands.
Social Status
The social position of the Charan Ban- jaras may be determined by the fact that they eat from the hands of all Hindu castes except the Dhobi, Hajam, Panchadayi, Jingar, and the lowest unclean classes, while only the Mala, Madiga and' other impure castes eat from their hands. They eat mutton, pigs, fish, fowl, lizards and the leavings of high castes, and drink spirits. The Mathura Banjaras rank higher than the Charans and eat only from the hands of Brahmans. These abstain from flesh and wine.
Occupation
The Banjaras are, by profession, wandering grain and salt merchants and, in this capacity, have rendered invalu- able services to the country. They visit the most secluded regions and lone hamlets, collecting the small quantities of grain, cotton, wool and other commodities obtainable, and bring them to the larger markets. Their value, as carriers and collecting merchants, in times of scarcity and great demand, is incalculable, for no other means could bring in the small stores of the outlying hamlets. With the rapid extension of rail and metalled roads, these industrious traders are fast disappearing from traffic. In most of the Telugu Districts of His Highness' Dominions many of them are to be found, settled t down as village Banjara^ and have taien to cultivation and cattle breeding. 'They rear fine animals and take them to different markets for sale or turn them into pack animals. The poorer mem- bers of the tribe subsist by bringing wood from the jungles or being employed as day-labourers. Banjara women are good at needle- work, make their own laingas and bodices, embroider them in taste- ful designs and dye them in various colours to suit their peculiar castes. The poorest women sell grass and fuel or work as labourers ; but the majority work at home and look after the dairy. While travelling, they carry their own burdens, chiefly their children, pro- visions, utensils and other chattels with them.
The following statement shows the number and distribution of Banjaras m 1911 : —
