Mewar 27: Rana Bhim
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Mewar 27: Rana Bhim
Rana Bhim Singh, a.d. 1778-1828
Rana Bhim Singh (the reigning prince), who succeeded his brother in S. 1834 (a.d. 1778), was the fourth minor in the space of forty years who inherited Mewar ; and the half century during which he has occupied the tlirone has been as fruitful in disaster as any period of her history already recorded. He was but eight years of age on his accession, and remained under his mother's tutelage long after his minority had expired. This subjection fixed his character ; naturally de fective in energy, and impaired by long misfortune, he continued to be swayed by faction and intrigue. The cause of the Pretender, though weakened, was yet kept alive ; but his insignificance eventually left him so unsupported, that his death is not even recorded [440].
Feud of Chondawats and Saktawats
In S. 1840 (a.d. 1784) the Chondawats reaped the harvest of their allegiance and made the power thus acquired subservient to the indulgence of ancient animosities against the rival clan of Saktawat. Salumbar with his relatives Arjun Singh 1 of Kurabar and Partap Singh 2 of Amet, now ruled the councils, having the Sindi mercenaries under their leaders Chandan and Sadik at their command. Mustering therefore all the strength of their kin and clans, they resolved on the prosecution of the feud, and invested Bhindar, the castle of Mohkam the chief of the Saktawats, against which they placed their batteries. Sangram Singh, a junior branch of the Saktawats, destined to play a conspicuous part in the future events of Mewar, was then rising into notice, and had just completed a feud with his rival the Purawat, whose abode, Lawa, 3 he had carried by escalade ; and now, determined to make a diversion in favour of his chief, he invaded the estate of Kurabar, engaged against Bhindar, and
1 Brother of A jit, the negotiator of the treaty with the British. 2 Chief of the Jagawat clan, also a branch of the Chondawats ; he was killed hi a battle with the Mahrattas. 3 It is yet held by the successor of Sangram, whose faithful services merited the grant he obtained from his prince, and it was in consequence left unmolested in the arrangement of 1817, from the knowledge of his merits. was driving off the cattle, when Sahm Singh the heir of Kurabar intercepted his retreat, and an action ensued in which Salim 1 was slain by the lance of Sangrani. The afflicted father, on hearing the fate of his son, ' threw the turban off his head,' swearing never to replace it till he had tasted revenge. Feigning a misunderstanding with his own party he withdrew from the siege, taking the road to his estate, but suddenly abandoned it for Sheogarh, the residence of Lalji the father of Sangram. The castle of Sheogarh, placed amidst the mountains and deep forests of Chappan, was from its difficulty of access deemed secure against surprise ; and here Sangram had placed the females and children of his family. To this point Arjun directed his revenge, and found Sheogarh destitute of defenders save the aged chief ; but though seventy summers had whitened his head, he bravely met the storm, and fell in opposing the foe ; when the children of Sangram were dragged [441] out and inhumanly butchered, and the widow 2 of Lalji ascended the pyre. This barbarity aggravated the hostility which separated the clans, and together with the minority of their prince and the yearly aggressions of the Mahrattas, accelerated the ruin of the coiuitry. But Bhim Singh, the Chondawat leader, was governed by insufferable vanity, and not only failed in respect to his prince, but offended the queen regent. He parcelled out the crown domain from Chitor to Udaipur amongst the Sindi bands, and whilst his sovereign was obliged to borrow money to defray his marriage at Idar, this ungrateful noble had the audacity to disburse upwards of £100,000 on the marriage of his own daughter. Such conduct determined the royal mother to supplant the Chondawats, and calling in the Saktawats to her aid, she invested with power the chiefs of Bhindar and Lawa. Aware, however, that their isolated authority was insufficient to withstand their rivals, they looked abroad for support, and made an overture to Zalim Singh of Kotah, whose political and personal resentments to the Chonda
1 The father of Rawat Jawan Singh, whom I found at Udaipur as mihtary minister, acting for his grand-uncle Ajit the organ of the Chondawats, whose head, Padam Singh, was just emerging from his minority. It was absolutely necessary to get to the very root of all these feuds, when as envoy and mediator I had to settle the disputes of half a century, and make each useful to detect thoir joint usurpations of the crown domain. 2 She was the graudmother of Man Singh, a fine specimen of a Saktawat cavalier.
wats, as well as his connexion by marriage with their opponents, made him readily listen to it. With his friend the Mahratta, Lalaji Belal, he joined the Saktawats with a body of 10,000 men. It was determined to sacrifice the Salumbar chief, who took post in the ancient capital of Chitor, where the garrison was composed chiefly of Sindis, thus effacing his claim to his prince's gratitude, whom he defied, while the pretender still had a party in the other principal fortress, Kumbhalmer.
Battle of Lalsot, May 1787
Such was the state of things, when the ascendancy of Mahadaji Sindhia received a signal check from the combined forces of Marwar and Jaipur ; and the battle of Lalsot, in which the Mahratta chief was completely defeated, was the signal for the Rajputs to resume their alienated territory.1 Nor was the Rana backward on the occasion, when there appeared a momentary gleam of the active virtue of past days. Maldas Mehta was civil minister, with Mauji Ram as his deputy, both men of talent and energy. They first effected the reduction of Nimbahera and the smaller garrisons of Mahrattas in its vicinity, who from a sense of common danger assembled their detachments in Jawad, which was also invested. Sivaji Nana, the governor, capitulated, and was allowed to march out with his [442] effects. At the same time, the ' sons of the black cloud ' 2 assembling, drove the Mahrattas from Begun, Singoli, etc., and the districts on the plateau ; while the Chondawats redeemed their ancient fief of Rampura, and thus for a while the whole territory was recovered. Elated by success, the united chiefs advanced to Chardu on the banks of the Rarkia, a streamlet dividing Mewar from Malwa, preparatory to further operations. Had these been confined to the maintenance of the places they had taken, and which had been withheld in violation of treaties, complete success might have crowned their efforts ; but in including Nimbahera in their capture they drew upon them the energetic Ahalya Bai, the regent-queen of the Holkar State, who unluckily for them was at hand and who coalesced with Sindhia's partisans to check
1 [Lalsot, about 40 miles south of Jaipur city. For an account of the battle see Compton, European Military Adventurers, 346 f.] 2 Megh Singh was the chief of Begun, and founder of that subdivision of the Chondawats called after him Meghawat, and his complexion being very dark {kola), he was called ' Kala Megh,' the ' black cloud.' His descendants were very numerous and very refractory. this reaction of the Rajputs. Tulaji Sindhia and Sri Bhai, with five thousand horse, were ordered to support the discomfited Siva Nana, who had taken refuge in Mandasor, where he ralUed all the garrisons whom the Rajputs had unwisely permitted to capitulate.
Defeat of the Rajputs. Murder o$ Somji
On Tuesday, the 4th of Magh S. 1844, 1 the Rana's troops were surprised and defeated with great slaughter, the minister slain, the chiefs of Kanor and Sadri with many others severely wounded, and the latter made prisoner. 2 The newly made conquests were all rapidly lost, with the exception of Jawad, which was gallantly maintained for a month by Dip Chand, who, with his guns and rockets, effected a passage through the Mahrattas, and retired with his garrison to Mandalgarh. Thus terminated an enterprise which might have yielded far different results but for a misplaced security. All the chiefs and clans were united in this patriotic struggle except the Chondawats, against whom the queen-mother and the new minister, Somji, had much difficulty to contend for the establishment of the ininor's authority. At length overtures were made to Salumbar, when the fair Rampiyari was employed to conciliate the obdurate chief, who condescended to make his appearance at Udaipur and to pay his respects to the prince. He pretended to enter into the views of the minister and to coalesce in his plans ; but this was only a web to ensnare his victim, whose talent had diminished his authority, and was a bar to the prosecution of [443] his ambitious views. Somji was seated in his bureau when Arjun Singh of Kurabar and Sardar Singh 3 of Badesar entered, and the latter, as he demanded how he dared to resume his fief, plunged his dagger into the minister's breast. The Rana was passing the day at one of the villas in the valley called the Sahelia Bari, ' the garden of nymphs,' attended by Jeth Singh of Badnor, when the brothers 4 of the
1 A.D. 1788. 2 He did not recover his liberty for two years, nor till he had surrendered four of the best towns in his fief. 3 Father of the present Hamir Singh, the only chief with whom I was compelled to use severity ; but he was incorrigible. He was celebrated for his raids in the troubles, and from his red whiskers bore with us the name more of him by and by. 4 Sheodas and Satidas, with their cousin Jaichand. They revenged their brother's death by that of his murderer, and were both in turn slain. minister suddenly rushed into the presence to claim protection against the murderers. They were followed by Arjun of Kurabar, who had the audacity to present himself before his sovereign with his hands yet stained with the blood of Somji. The Rana, unable to pimish the insolent chief, branding him as a traitor, bade him begone ; when the whole of the actors in this nefarious scene, with their leader Salumbar, returned to Chitor. Sheodas and Satidas, brothers to the murdered minister, were appointed to succeed him, and with the Snktawats fought several actions against the rebels, and gained one decisive battle at Akola, in which Arjun of Kurabar commanded. This was soon balanced by the defeat of the Saktawats at Kheroda. Every triumph was attended with ruin to the country. The agriculturist, never certain of the fruits of his labour, abandoned his fields, and at length his country ; mechanical industry found no recompense, and commerce was at the mercy of unlicensed spoliation. In a very few years Mewar lost half her population, her lands lay waste, her mines were unworked, and her looms, which formerly supplied all around, forsaken. The prince partook of the general penury ; instead of protecting, he required protection ; the bonds which united him with his subjects were snapped, and each individual or petty community provided for itself that defence which he could not give. Hence arose a train of evils : every cultivator, whether fiscal or feudal, sought out a patron, and [444] entered into engagements as the price of protection. Hence every Rajput who had a horse and lance, had his clients ; and not a camel-load of merchandise could pass the abode of one of tliese cavaliers without paying fees. The effects of such disorder Such were these times ! The author more than once, when resuming the Chondawat lands, and amongst them Badesar, the fief of the son of Sardar, was told to recollect the fate of Somji ; the advice, however, excited only a smile ; he was deemed more of a Saktawat than a Chondawat, and there was some truth in it, for he found the good actions of the former far out weigh the other, who made a boast and monopoly of their patriotism. It was a curious period in his life ; the stimulus to action was too high, too constant, to think of self ; and having no personal views, being influenced solely by one feeling, the prosperity of all, he despised the very idea of danger, though it was said to exist in various shapes, even in the hospitable plate put before him ! But he deemed none capable of such treachery, though once he was within a few minutes' march to the other world ; but the cause, if the right one, came from his own cuuinier, or rather boulanger, whom he discharged.
were felt long after the cause ceased to exist, and claims difficult
to adjust arose out of these licentious times, for the having
prescriptive right was deemed sufficient to authorize their con
tinuance.1 Here were displayed the effects of a feudal association,
where the powers of government were enfeebled. These feuds
alone were sufficient to ruin the country ; but when to such
internal ills shoals of Mahratta plunderers were added, no art is
required to describe the consequences.
Aid sought from Sindhia
The Rana and his advisers at length determined to call in Sindhia to expel the rebellious Chondawats from the ancient capital ; a step mainly prompted by Zalim Singh (now Regent of Kotah), who with the Rana's ministers was deputed to the Mahratta chieftain, then enjoying himself at the sacred lake of Pushkar.2 Since the overthrow of Lalsot he had reorganized his brigades under the celebrated De Boigne,3 through whose conduct he had redeemed his lost influence in Rajputana by the battles of Merta and Patau, in which the brave Rathors, after acts of the most devoted gallantry, were completely overthrown. Sindhia' s plans coincided entirely with the object of the deputation, and he readily acquiesced in the Rana's desire. This event introduced on the political stage some of the most celebrated men of that day, whose actions offer a fair picture of manners, and may justify our entering a little into details.4
Negotiations by Zalim Singh
Zalim Singh had for some years become regent of Kotah, and though to maintain himself in power, and the State he controlled in an attitude to compel the respect of surrounding foes, was no slight task, yet he found the field too contracted for his ambition, and his secret views had long been directed to permanent influence in Mewar. His skill in reading character convinced him that the Rana would be no
1 See the Essay on a Feudal System. 2 S. 1847 (a.d. 1791). 3 [Count Benoit de Boigne, a Savoyard, born at Chambery, 1751 : served under Mahadaji Sindhia, and won for him his battles of Patan and Merta in 1790 : defeated Holkar at Lakheri in 1793 : resigned his command in 1795, and left India in the next year : died June 21, 1830 (Compton, European Military Adventurers, 15 ff. ; Buckland, Diet, of Indian Biography, 8.V.).] 4 Acquired from the actors in those scenes : the prince, his ministers, Zahm Singh and the rival chiefs have all contributed. bar to his wishes, the attainment of which, by giving him the combined resources of Haraoti and Mewar, would bestow the lead in Rajasthan. The Jaipur court he disregarded, whose effeminate army he had himself defeated single-handed [445] with the Kotah troops, and the influence he established amongst the leading chiefs of Marwar held out no fear of counteraction from that quarter. The stake was high, the game sure, and success would have opened a field to his genius which might have entirely altered the fate of Hindustan ; but one false move was irretrievable, and instead of becoming the arbitrator of India, he left only the reputation of being the Nestor of Rajputana.
The restriction of the Rana's power was the cloak under which he disguised all his operations, and it might have been well for the country had his plans succeeded to their full extent. To re-establish the Rana's authority, and to pay the charges of the reduction of Chitor, he determined that the rebels chiefly should furnish the means, and that from them and the fiscal lands, mostly in their hands, sixty-four lakhs should be levied, of which three-fifths should be appropriated to Sindhia, and the remainder to replenish the Rana's treasury. Preliminaries being thus arranged, Zalim was furnished with a strong corps under Ambaji Inglia ; while Sindhia followed, hanging on the iNIarwar frontier, to realize the contributions of that State. Zalim Singh and Ambaji moved towards Chitor, levying from the estates of those obnoxious to Zalim's views. Hamirgarh, whose chief, Dhiraj Singh, a man of talent and courage, was the principal adviser of Bhim Singh, the Salumbar chief, was besieged, and stood several assaults during six weeks' vigorous operations, when the destruc tion of the springs of the wells from the concussion of the guns compelled its surrender, and the estate was sequestrated. The force continued their progress, and after a trifling altercation at Basai, a Chondawat fief, also taken, they took up a position at Chitor, and were soon after joined by the main body under Sindhia.
Zalim Singh and Sindhia at Udaipur
Zalim, to gratify Mahadaji's vanity, who was desirous of a visit from the Rana, which even the Peshwa considered an honour, proceeded to Udaipur to effect this object ; when the Rana, placing himself imder his guidance, marched for this purpose, and was met at the Tiger Momit, within a few miles of his capital, by Sindhia, who received the Rana, and escorted him to the besieging army. But in this short interval, Ambaji, who remained with the army at Chitor, intrigued with the rebel Chondawat to supplant the predominant influence of his friend Zalim Singh, and seized the opportunity of his absence to counteract him, by [446] communi cating his plans to Salvmibar ; aware that, unless he broke with Zalim, he could only hope to play a secondary part under him. Though the ulterior views of Zalim were kept to his own breast, they could not escape the penetration of the crafty Mahratta ; his very anxiety to hide them furnished Ambaji with the means of detection. Had Zalim possessed an equal share of meanness with his political antagonist, he might have extricated himself from the snare ; but once overreached, he preferred sinking to grasping at an unworthy support. Bhim Singh (Salumbar) privately negotiated with Ambaji the surrender of Chitor, engaging to himible himself before the Rana, and to pay a contribution of twenty lakhs, levied on the clans, provided Zalim Singh was ordered to retire. This suggestion, apparently founded on the rebellious chief's antipathy to Zalim, but in reality prompted by Ambaji, ensured the approbation, as it suited the views, of all parties, but especially Sindhia, who was desirous of repairing to Poona. Zahm, the sole obstacle to this arrangement, furnished to his enemies the means of escape from the dilemma, and lost the opportiuiity of realizing his long-cherished scheme of wielding the united resources of Mewar and Haraoti. Zalim had always preserved a strict amity with Ambaji wherever their interests did not clash, and his regard had the cement of gratitude to the Mahratta, whose father Trimbakji had saved Zalim's life and procured his liberty, when left woimded and a prisoner at the battle of Ujjain. On Zalim's return with the Rana, Ambaji touched on the terms of Bhim Suigh's surrender, hinting that Zalim's presence was the sole obstacle to this desirable result ; who, the more to mask his views, which any expressed reluctance to the measure might expose, went beyond probability in assevera tions of readiness to be no bar to such arrangement, even so far as to affirm that, besides being tired of the business from the heavy expense it entailed on him, he had his prince's wish for his return to Kotah.
There is one ingredient in Zalim's char acter, which has never been totally merged in the vices acquired from the tortuous policy of a long life, and which in the vigour Of youth had full sway __namely, pride, one of the few virtues left to the Rajput, defrauded of many others by long oppression. But Zalim's pride was legitimate, being allied to honour, and it has retained him an evident superiority through all the mazes of ambition. Ambaji skilfully availed himself of this defect in his you tell this to me ! it might find credit with those who did not know you." The sarcasm only plunged him deeper into assevera tion. " Is it then really your wish to retire ? " " Assuredly." " Then," retorted the crafty Ambaji, " your wish shall be gratified in a few minutes." Giving him no time to retract, he called for his horse and galloped to Sindhia's tent. Zalim relied on Sindhia not acceding to the proposition ; or if he did, that the Rana, over whom he imagined he had complete influence, would oppose it. His hopes of Sindhia rested on a promise privately made to leave troops under his authority for the restoration of order in Mewar ; and a yet stronger claim, the knowledge that without Zalim he could not realize the stipulated sums for the expulsion of the Chondawat from Chitor. Ambaji had foreseen and prepared a remedy for these difficulties, and upon their being urged offered hunself to advance the amount by bills on the Deccan. This argument was irresistible ; money, and the consequent prosecu tion of his journey to Poona, being attained, Sindhia's engage ments with Zalim and the Rana ceased to be a matter of import ance. He nominated Ambaji his lieutenant, with the command of a large force, by whose aid he would reimburse himself for the sums thus advanced. Having carried his object with Sindhia, Ambaji proceeded direct from his tent to that of the Rana's ministers, Sheodas and Satidas, with whom, by the promise of co-operation in their views, and perfect subserviency to the Rana's interests, he was alike successful. Ambaji, with the rapidity necessary to ensure success, having in a few hours accom plished his purpose, hastened back to Zalun, to acquamt him that his wish to retire had met with general acquiescence ; and so well did he manage, that the Rana's mace-bearer arrived at the same moment to announce that the khilat of leave awaited his acceptance. Zalim being thus outwitted, the Salumbar chief •descended from Chitor, and touched the Rana's feet. Sindhia pursued his march to the Deccan, and Ambaji was left sole arbiter of Mewar. The Saktawats maintained the lead at court, and were not backward in consigning the estates of their rivals to the incubus now settled on the country : while the mortified Zalim, on his retreat, recorded his expenses, to be produced on some fitting occasion.
Sindhia's Instructions to Ambaji
Ambaji remained eight years in Mewar, reaping its revenues and amassing those hoards of wealth which subsequently gave him the lead in Hindustan, and enabled him nearly to assert his independence. Yet, although he accumulated [448] £2,000,000 sterling from her soil,1 exacting one-half of the produce of agricultural industry, the suppression of feuds and exterior aggressions gave to Mewar a degree of tranquillity and happiness to which she had long been a stranger.
1. The entire restoration of the Rana's authority and resump tion of the crown-lands from rebellious chiefs and mer cenary Sindis. 2. The expulsion of the pretender from Kumbhalmer. 3. The recovery of Godwar from the Raja of Marwar. 4. To settle the Bundi feud for the murder of Rana Arsi. A schedule (pandhri) 2 for the twenty lakhs stipulated was made and levied ; twelve from the Chondawat estates and eight from the Saktawats ; and the sum of sixty lakhs was awarded, besides the expense of Ambaji's army, when the other specified objects should be attained. Within two years the pretender was expelled Kumbhalmer, Jahazpur was recovered from a rebellious Ranawat, and the crown-lands 3 were redeemed from
2 [Pandhri, Pandharapatti, a tax on shops, artisans, traders, and persons not engaged in agriculture, levied on their persons, implements, places of work, or traffic ; the same as the Mahtarafa (Wilson, Glossary, s.v.).] 3 Raepur Rajnagar from the Sindis ; Guria and Gadarraala from the Purawats ; Hamirgarh from Sardar Singh, and Kur j Kawaria from Salunibar. the nobles ; the personal domain of the Rana, agricultural and commercial, still realized nearly fifty lakhs of rupees. After these services, though Godwar was still unredeemed, the Bundi feud unappeased, and the lands mortgaged to the Mahrattas were not restored, Ambaji assumed the title of Subahdar of Mewar, and identified himself with the parties of the day. Yet so long as he personally upheld the interests of the Rana, his memorj^ is done justice to, notwithstanding he never conformed to the strict letter of his engagements. The Rana's ministers, fearing lest their brother's fate should be theirs in the event of the Chondawats again attaining power, and deeming their own and their sovereign's security dependent on Ambaji's presence, made a subsidiary engagement with him, and lands to the amount of 75,000 rupees monthly, or eight lakhs annually, were appropriated for his force ; but so completely were the resources of the [449] country diverted from their honest use, that when, in S. 1851, a marriage was negotiated between the Rana's sister and the prince of Jaipur, the Rana was obliged to borrow £50,000 from the Mahratta commander to purchase the nuptial presents. The following year was marked by a triple event__the death of the queen-mother, the birth of a son and heir to the Rana, and the bursting of the embankment of the lake, which swept away a third of the city and a third of its inhabitants. Superstition attributed this catastrophe to the Rana's impiety, in establishing a new festival 1 to Gauri, the Isis of Rajasthan.
Anarchy in Mewar
Ambaji, who was this year nominated by Sindhia his viceroy in Hindustan, left Ganesh Pant as his lieutenant in Mewar, with whom acted the Rana's officers, Sawai and Shirji Mehta ; 2 who applied themselves to make the most of their ephemeral power with so rapacious a spirit, that Ambaji was compelled to displace Ganesh Pant and appoint the celebrated Rae Chand. To him they would not yield, and each party formed a nucleus for disorder and misrule. It would be iminteresting
1 In Bhadon, the third month of the rainy season. An account of this festival will hereafter be given. 2 The first of these is now the manager of Prince Jawan Singh's estates, a man of no talent ; and the latter, his brother, was one of the ministers on my arrival at Udaipur. He was of invincible good humour, yet full of the spirit of intrigue, and one of the bars to returning prosperity. The cholera carried off this Falstaff of the court, not much to mj' sorrow. and nauseating to the reader to carry him through all the scenes of villainy which gradually desolated this country ; for whose spoil pilfering Mahrattas, savage Rohillas, and adventurous Franks were all let loose. The now humbled Chondawats, many of whose fiefs were confiscated, took to horse, and in conjunction with lawless Sindis scoured the coiuitiy. Their estates were attacked, Kurabar was taken, and batteries were placed against Salumbar, whence the Sindis fled and found refuge in Deogarh. In this exigence, the Chondawats determined to send an envoy to Ambaji, who was then engaged in the siege of Datia ; and Ajit Singh, since prominent in the intrigues of Mewar, was the organ of his clan on this occasion. For the sum of ten lakhs the avaricious Mahratta agreed to recall his deputy from Mewar,1 to renounce Sheodas and the Saktawats, and lend his support to the Chondawats. The Salumbar chief again took the lead at court, and with Agarji Mehta 2 as minister, the Saktawats [450]
1 S. 1853, A.D. 1797. 2 This person was nominated the chief civil minister on the author's arrival at Udaipur, an office to which he was every way unequal. The affairs of Mewar had never prospered since the faithful Panchohs were deprived of power. Several productions of the descendants of Biharidas have fallen into my hands ; their quaint mode of conveying advice may authorize their insertion here. The Panchohs, who had performed so many services to the country, had been for some time deprived of the office of prime minister, which was dis posed of as it suited the views of the factious nobles who held power for the time being ; and who bestowed it on the Mehtas, Depras, or Dhabhais. Amongst the papers of the Panchohs, several addressed to the Rana and to Agarji Mehta, the minister of the day, are valuable for the patriotic senti ments they contain, as well as for the general light they throw upon the period. In S. 1853 (a.d. 1797) Amrit Rao devised a plan to remedy the evils that oppressed the country. He inculcated the necessity of dispensing with the interference of the Saktawats and Chondawats in the affairs of government, and strengthening the hands of the civil administration by admitting the foreign chieftains to the power he proposed to deprive the former of. He proceeds in the following quaint style :
" Disease fastened on the country from the following causes, envy and party spirit. With the Turks disease was introduced ; but then the prince, his ministers, and chiefs, were of one mind, and medicine was ministered and a cure effected. During Rana Jai Singh's time the disorder returned, which his son Amra put down. He recovered the affairs of government from confusion, gave to every one his proper rank and dignity, and rendered all prosperous. But Maharana Sangram Singh put from under his wing the Chandarawat of Rampura, and thus a pinion of Mewar was broken. The calamity of Biharidas, whose son committed suicide, increased the diffi were attacked, the stipulated ten lakhs raised from their estates, and two fiefs of note, Hintha and Semari, confiscated [451]. culties. The arrival of the Deccanis under Bajirao, the Jaipur affair * and the defeat at Rajmahall, with the heavy expenditure thereby occasioned, augmented the disorder. Add to this in Jagat Singh's time the enmity of the Dhabhais towards the Panchohs, which lowered their dignities at home and abroad, and siiice which time every man has thought himself equal to the task of government. Jagat Singh was also afflicted by the rebellious conduct of his son Partap, when Shyama Solanki and several other chiefs were treacherously cut off. Since which time the minds of the nobles have never been loyal, but black and not to be trusted. Again, on the accession of Partap, Maharaja Nathji allowed his thoughts to aspire, from which all Ills kin suffered. Hence animosities, doubts, and deceits, arose on all sides. Add to this the haughty proceeding of Amra Chand now in office ; and besides the strife of the Pancholis with each other, their enmity to the Depras. Hence parties were formed which completely destroyed the credit of all. Yet, notwithstanding, they abated none of their strife, which was the acme to the disease. The feud between Kuman Singh and the Sak tawats for the possession of Hintha, aggravated the distresses . The treacher ous murder of Maharaja Nathji, and the consequent disgust and retreat of Jaswant Singh of Deogarh ; the setting up the impostor Ratna Singh and Jhala Raghiideo's struggle for office, with Amra Chand's entertaining the mercenaries of Sind, brought it to a crisis. The neghgence arising out of luxury, and the intrigues of the Dhabhais of Rana Arsi, made it spread so as to defeat all attempt at cure. In S. 1829, on the treacherous murder of the Rana by the Bundi prince, and the accession of the minor Hamir, every one set up his own authority, so that there was not even the semblance of government. And now you (to the Rana), hstening to the advice of Bhim Singh (Salumbar), and his brother, Arjun, have taken foreigners "j" into pay, and thus riveted all the former errors. You and Sri Baiji Raj (the royal mother), putting confidence in foreigners and Deccanis, have rendered the disease contagious ; besides, your mind is gone. What can be done ? Medicine may yet be had. Let us unite and struggle to restore the duties of the minister and we may conquer, or at least check its progress. If now neglected, it will hereafter be beyond human power. The Deccanis are the great sore. Let us settle their accounts, and at all events get rid of them, or we lose the land for ever. At this time there are treaties and engagements in every corner. I have touched on every subject. Forgive whatever is improper. Let us look the future in the face, and let chiefs, ministers, and all unite. With the welfare of the country all will be well. But this is a disease which, if not now conquered, will conquer us."
A second paper as follows : " The disease of the country is to be considered and treated as a remittent.
- The struggle to place the Rana's nephew. Mad ho Singh, on the throne
of Jaipur. + The Panchoh must allude to the Mahratta subsidiary force under Ambaji.
Death o! Mahadaji Sindhia, January 12, 1794
The death of Mahadaji Sindhia,1 and the accession of his nephew Daulatrao, his murder of the Shenvi Brahmans, and his quarrels with the Bais (' princesses,' wives of the deceased Sindhia), all occurred at this time, and materially influenced the events in Mewar. The power of Ainbaji as Subahdar of Hindustan was strengthened by the minority of Sindhia, although contested by Lakwa and the Bais, supported by the Khichi prince, Durjan Sal, and the Datia Raja, who fought and died for the princesses. Lakwa wrote to the Rana to throw off Ambaji's yoke and expel his lieutenant ; while Ambaji commanded his deputy to eject the Shenvi 2 Brah " Amra Singh cured it and laid a complete system of government and justice. " In Sangram's time it once more gained ground. " In Jagat Singh's time the seed was thrown into the ground thus obtained. " In Partap's time it sprung up. " In Raj Singh's time it bore fruit. " In Rana Arsi's time it was ripe. " In Hamir's time it was distributed, and all have had a share. " And you, Bhini Singh (the present Rana), have eaten jjlentifully thereof. Its virtues and flavour you are acquainted with, and so likewise is the country ; and if you take no medicine you will assuredly suffer much pain, and both at home and abroad you will be lightly thought of. Be not therefore negligent, or faith and land will depart from you."
A third paper to Agarji Mehta (then minister) : " If the milk is curdled it does not signify. Where there is sense butter may yet be extracted ; and if the butter-milk {chhackh) is thrown away it matters not. But if the milk be curdled and black it will require wisdom to restore its purity. This wisdom is now wanted. The foreigners are the black in the curdled milk of Mewar. At all hazards remove them. Trust to them and the land is lost. " In moonhght what occasion for a blue hght ? (Chandra jot).* " Who looks to the false coin of the juggler ? " Do not credit him who tells you he will make a pigeon out of a feather. “ Abroad it is said there is no wisdom left in Mewar, which is a disgrace to her reputation."
1 [Mahadaji Sindhia, commonly and erroneously called Madhava Rao, died near Poona, January 12, 1794. See his life by H. G. Keene, ' Rulers of India ' series ; Grant Duff, Hist, of Mahrattas, 343 ff. ; W. Franklin, Hist, of Shah-Aulum, 119 ff.] 2 There are three classes of Mahratta Brahmans : Shenvi, Prabhu, and Mahratta. Of the first was Lakwa, Balabha Tantia, Jiwa Dada, Sivaji Nana, Lalaji Pandit, and Jaswant Rao Bhao, men who held the mortgaged
- Literally, a 'moonlight.' The particular kind of firework which we
call a ' blue hght.' mans, supporters of Lakwa, from all the lands in Mewar. To this end Ganesh Pant called on the Rana's ministers and chiefs, who, consulting thereon, determined to play a deep game ; and while they apparently acquiesced in the schemes of Ganesh, they wrote the Shenvis to advance from Jawad and attack him, promising them support. They met at Sawa ; Nana was defeated Avith the loss of his guns, and retired on Chitor. With a feint of support, the Chondawats made him again call in his garrison and try another battle, which he also lost and fled to Hamirgarh ; then, uniting with his enemies, they invested the place with 15,000 men. Nana bravely maintained himself, making many sallies, in one of which both the sons of Dhiraj Singh, the chief of Hamirgarh, Avere slain. Shortly after. Nana was relieved by some battalions of the new raised regulars sent by Ambaji under Gulab Rao Kadam, upon which he commenced his retreat on Ajmer. At Musamusi he was forced to action, and success had nearly crowned the efforts of the clans, when a horseman, en deavouring to secure a mare, calling out [452], " Bhagi ! bhagi ! " " She flies ! she flies ! " the word spread, while those who caught her, exclaiming " Milgayi ! milgayi ! " " She is taken ! but equally significant with ' going over ' to the enemy, caused a general panic, and the Chondawats, on the verge of victory, disgraced themselves, broke and fled. Several were slain, among whom was the Sindi leader Chandan. Shahpura opened its gates to the fugitives led by the Goliath of the host, the chief of Deo garh.1 It was an occasion not to be lost by the bards of the rival clan, and many a ribald stanza records this day's disgrace. Ambaji' s lieutenant, however, was so roughly handled that several chiefs redeemed their estates, and the Rana much of the fisc, from Mahratta control.
Contest of Ambaji and Lakwa
Mewar now became the arena on which the rival satraps Ambaji and Lakwa contested the lands of Mewar. [There are four groups of Maratlia Brahmans : Konkan asthas, Deshasthas, Karhadas, and Kanvas. The Prabhus are not Brahmans, but the writer caste, like the Kayasths of Hindustan (J. Wilson, Indian Caste, 1877, ii. 17 flf.). The word Shenvi is a corruption of chhhjanave, ' ninety-six,' from the supposed number of their sections.]
1 I knew him well. He stood six feet six inches, and was. bulky in pro portion. His limbs rivalled those of the Hercules Farnese. His father was nearly seven feet, and died at the early age of twenty-two, in a vain attempt to keep down, by regimen and medicine, his enormous bulk. exalted office of Sindhia's lieutenancy in Hindustan. Lakwa was joined by all the chiefs of Mewar, his cause being their own ; and Hamirgarh, still held by Nana's party, Was reinvested. Two thousand shot had made a practicable breach, when Bala Rao Inglia, Bapu Sindhia, Jaswant Rao Sindhia, a brigade under the European ' Mutta field,' 1 with the auxiliary battalions of Zalim Singh of Kotah, the whole under the command of Ambaji's son, arrived to relieve the lieutenant. Lakwa raised the siege, and took post with his allies under the walls of Chi tor ; whilst the besieged left the untenable Hamirgarh, and joined the relief at Gosunda. The rival armies were separated only by the Berach river, on whose banks they raised batteries and cannonaded each other, when a dispute arose in the victor camp regarding the pay of the troops, between Bala Rao (brother of Ambaji) and Nana, and the latter withdrew and retreated to Sanganer, Thus disunited, it might have been expected that these congregated masses would have dissolved, or fallen upon each other, when the Rajputs might have given the coup de grdce to the survivors ; but they were Mahrattas, and their politics were too complicated to end in simple strife : almost all the actors in these scenes lived to contest with, and be humiliated by, the British.
George Thomas
The defection of Nana equalized the parties ; but Bala Rao, never partial to fighting, opportunely recollected a debt of gratitude to Lakwa, to whose clemency he owed his life when taken by storm in Gugal Chapra. He also wanted money [453] to pay his force, which a private overture to Lakwa secured. They met, and Bala Rao retired boasting of his grati tude, to which, and the defection of Nana, soon followed by that of Bapu Sindhia, the salvation of Lakwa was attributed. Suther land ^ with a brigade was detached by Ambaji to aid Nana : but a dispute depriving him of this reinforcement, he called in a partisan of more celebrity, the brave George Thomas.' Ambaji's
1 [This is perhaps Captain Butterfield, who served in Sindhia's force under Colonel Sutherland. He behaved gallantly in action against Lakwa Dada, for which he received a flattering letter from Perron : no further mention of him has been traced (Compton, Military Adventurers, 344).] 2 [For Colonel Robert Sutherland, known to natives as ' Sutlej Sahib,' see Compton, 410 ff.] 3 [For the remarkable career of George Thomas, who nearly' succeeded in forming a kingdom of his own on the ruins of the Empire in N. India, see Compton, 109 f. ; W. Franklin,. Military Memoirs of Mr. G. Thomas, 1803.] lieutenant and Lakwa were once more equal foes, and the Rana, his chiefs and subjects being distracted between these conflicting bands, whose leaders alternately paid their respects to him, were glad to obtain a little repose by espousing the cause of either combatant, whose armies during the monsoon encamped for six weeks within sight of each other. 1
