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[edit] Banned outfits

[edit] 2023

Nov 14, 2023: The Times of India

New Delhi : The Centre on Monday designated 10 Meitei extremist organisations and their various fronts as ‘unlawful associations’ for a further period of five years, stating that their “secessionist, subversive, terrorist and violent activities”, unless immediately curbed and controlled, could compromise the sovereignty and integrity of India.


The Manipuri outfits slapped with a ban under Section 3(1) of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, are the Peoples’ Liberation Army (PLA) and its political wing, the Revolutionary Peoples’ Front (RPF); the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and its armed wing Manipur Peoples’ Army (MPA); the Peoples’ Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) and its armed wing the ‘Red Army’; the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) and its armed wing, also called the ‘Red Army’; the Kanglei Yaol Kanba Lup (KYKL); the Coordination Committee (CorCom) and the Alliance for Socialist Unity Kangleipak (ASUK).


All these outfits, the home ministry said, have, as their professed aim, the establishment of an independent nation by secession of Manipur from India through armed struggle and to incite indigenous people of the state for such secession. Extension of the ban, though routine, comes amid the ethnically charged atmosphere in Manipur since violent clashes broke out in May. The state has seen long spells of curfew and unrest since. Things, however, are more in control now.


The notification extending the ‘unlawful association’ tag on the Manipuri extremist outfits said they had been engaging in activities prejudicial to the sovereignty and integ rity of India; employing and engaging in armed means; attacking and killing security forces, the police and civilians in Manipur; and indulging in acts of intimidation, extortion and looting of civilian population for raising funds.


Also, it added, such organisations would make contacts with sources abroad for influencing public opinion and for securing their as sistance by way of arms and training for the purpose of achieving their secessionist objective. These rebel outfits were maintaining camps in neighbouring countries for the purpose of sanctuaries, training and clandestine procurement of arms and ammunition, it said.

[edit] Flag-hoisting by candidates

[edit] As in 2022

Tora Agarwala, February 24, 2022: The Indian Express

The ceremony is usually held in the courtyard of the candidate’s home on an auspicious date in the calendar. While the event simply involves the candidate hoisting the party flag, followed by a prayer by a priest and blessings by community elders, its scale and ceremony vary from candidate to candidate.

In the Meitei-dominated Imphal valley, a practice called the Athenpot Thinba is a key part of the flag-hoisting ceremony. In it, women from the community carry a variety of fruits and vegetables, rice, traditional snacks and flowers, and deposit them at the base of the party flagpole. Other gifts are also given to the candidate to wish him/her luck for the elections.

Dr Bedavati Laishram, Assistant Professor of history at Manipur University, said Athenpot Thinba is a ritualistic procession that marks the auspicious beginning of any event. “Athenpot usually refers to an offering, which includes a mix of items, such as food and flowers, and Thinba means to present/drop things,” she said. The giving of Athenpot is common practice, and found in other traditional festivals such as Lai Haraoba, and even weddings.

In religious ceremonies, Athenpot is presented to appease the gods; in elections, it is done to show support to the candidate.

Following that, the candidate can interact with the people, or deliver a speech. Central leaders or star campaigners too attend flag hoisting ceremonies of some candidates. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, who was in Manipur last week, attended the flag hoisting ceremony for BJP’s Y Khemchand Singh, contesting from Singjamei.

The date of the ceremony is selected on the basis of astrological predictions in some areas. For example, a number of candidates held their flag-hoisting ceremony on February 14, as it was considered an auspicious day.

While the ceremony cuts across religions and faiths, there are variations on how it is done. The Meiteis, who follow Vaishnavism and Sanamahism, may have a puja in the ceremony. In the predominantly Christian hill districts, the ceremony is usually presided by a pastor who delivers a sermon, with blessings by elders, and may be followed up with singing of hymns.

The significance

Observers say the flag-hoisting ceremony, apart from being a public declaration that a candidate is standing from a particular constituency, is also an indicator of how strong or popular he/she is. “It is like a show of strength… if a lot of people show up at your flag hoisting, it means you are very popular, and have a better chance of winning,” said a senior Congress leader from Manipur.

The ceremony is also a way to seek blessings from the voters before the campaigning starts.

It is not clear when the tradition started to become an important part of elections in Manipur. Observers say it has been happening for quite a while.

Imphal-based historian Wangam Somorjit points out that flags in general hold a place of importance in the political and religious life of Manipur’s history, and this practice could be linked to that. “For Meiteis, before that go into the temple and pray to a deity/god, they first pray to a religious flag,” he said, adding that the belief was that those who seek power, must especially keep the flag in reverence.

[edit] Inter-community issues

[edit] As in 2023

Sukrita Baruah, May 5, 2023: The Indian Express

Which are the major communities residing in Manipur?

The Meiteis are the largest community in Manipur. There are 34 recognized tribes, which are broadly classified as ‘Any Kuki Tribes’ and ‘Any Naga Tribes’.

The central valley in the state accounts for about 10% of the landmass of Manipur, and is home primarily to the Meitei and Meitei Pangals who constitute roughly 64.6% of the state’s population. The remaining 90% of the state’s geographical area comprises hills surrounding the valley, which are home to the recognized tribes, making up about 35.4% of the state’s population.

Why does the Meitei community want ST status?

There has been an organised push in support of this demand for at least since 2012, led by the Scheduled Tribes Demand Committee of Manipur (STDCM).

The recent plea before the Manipur High Court was by the Meetei (Meitei) Tribe Union, seeking directions to the Manipur government to submit a recommendation to the Union Ministry for Tribal Affairs for the inclusion of the Meetei/Meitei community in the list of Scheduled Tribes in the Indian Constitution, as a “tribe among tribes in Manipur”.

In their plea before the High Court, the petitioners argued that the Meitei community was recognised as a tribe before the merger of the princely state of Manipur with the Union of India in 1949, and that it lost its identity as a tribe after the merger. It was argued in court that the demand for ST status arose from the need to “preserve” the community, and “and save the ancestral land, tradition, culture and language” of the Meiteis.

In various pleas to the state and central governments, the STDCM  has stated that as a result of being left out of the ST list, “the community has been victimised without any constitutional safeguards to date. The Meitein/Meetei have been gradually marginalised in their ancestral land. Their population which was 59% of the total population of Manipur in 1951 has now been reduced to 44% as per 2011 Census data”.

What did the Manipur High Court say?

The court observed that “the petitioners and other Unions are fighting long years for inclusion of Meetei/Meitei community in the tribe list of Manipur”, and directed the government to submit its recommendation after considering the case of the petitioners, “preferably within a period of four weeks” of receipt of the order.

Why are tribal groups opposing this order?

The demand for ST status for the Meitei community has long been opposed by the state’s tribal groups. One of the reasons cited for the opposition is the dominance of the Meiteis, both in population and in political representation, since 40 out of 60 Assembly constituencies of the state are in the valley.

“The ST communities of Manipur have been consistently opposing to the inclusion of fearing the loss of job opportunities and other affirmative actions granted to STs by the Constitution of India to a much advanced community like the Meitei,” said Janghaolun Haokip of the Kuki Inpi Manipur, the apex body of Kuki tribes in the state.

Other arguments against the demand have been that the Manipuri language of the Meiteis is included in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, and that sections of the Meitei community — which is predominantly Hindu — are already classified under Scheduled Castes (SC) or Other Backward Classes (OBC), and have access to the opportunities associated with that status.

“The claim that Meiteis need ST status to protect their culture and identity is self-defeating. The Meiteis are a dominant group controlling the state and its apparatuses. The state has been protecting their cultural, political and economic rights. As such, their culture and identity are in no way endangered…,” wrote Thongkholal Haokip, Assistant Professor  at JNU’s Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, in his paper ‘The Politics of Scheduled Tribe Status in Manipur’.

“To the hill tribal people of Manipur, the demand for ST status is a ploy to attenuate the fervent political demands of the Kukis and Nagas, as well as a tacit strategy of the dominant valley dwellers to make inroads into the hill areas of the state,” Prof Haokip wrote.

Is this demand the only reason for the conflict rocking the state currently?

In fact, unrest has been brewing among the hill tribes of the state for a number of reasons.

In late April, Churachandpur witnessed violence after a mob attacked an open gym that was to be inaugurated by Chief Minister Biren Singh the following day. A major reason for the discontent has been the state government’s notices since August 2022 claiming that 38 villages in the Churachandpur-Khoupum Protected Forest area (in Churachandpur and Noney districts) are “illegal settlements” and its residents are “encroachers”.

Following this, the government set out on an eviction drive which resulted in clashes.

Kuki groups have claimed that the survey and eviction is a violation of Article 371C, which confers some administrative autonomy to the tribal-dominated hill areas of Manipur. CM Singh was reported to have claimed that the people living there “were encroaching reserved forests, protected forests and wildlife sanctuaries for poppy plantation and drugs business”

[edit] Kukis

[edit] 2023: truce abrogated

K Sarojkumar Sharma TNN, March 11, 2023: The Times of India

Imphal : The Manipur government has decided to rescind its ceasefire pact with militant groups Kuki National Army (KNA) and Zomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), claiming that their leaders were not from the state. The decision followed a recent allegation that the leadership of these two Kuki rebel groups is from Myanmar.


It was reported that KNA and ZRA militants were instigating poppy cultivators in the state against the government, following a crackdown against illegal cultivation of the plant that produces opium in clearings in protected forests, especially along Myanmar border.


The government action has prompted protests on Friday in three districts, allegedly backed by KNA and ZRA — which are among the 25 KukiChin-Mizo militant groups of the state that had signed the tripartite “Suspension of Operations” agreement with the Centre and the state.


The decision to withdraw from the ceasefire was taken on Friday after a large number of Kuki tribal people took out rallies against “oppressive, illegal and arbitrary policies of the state”. They had gathered under the aegis of Kuki Inpi Manipur, a union of Kuki civil and student associations.


Chaired by CM N Biren Singh, the cabinet noted that the rallies were “unconstitutional”. It said the state “will not compromise on steps taken to protect the state’s forest resources and for eradicating poppy cultivation”. Signed in 2008, the pact has been periodically extended, and cadres of the groups are currently staying at camps set up by the government in Kuki-inhabited areas.

[edit] Meitei vis-à-vis Kuki-Zomi

[edit] 2022- 2023 July

PTI, July 27, 2023: The Indian Express

The Kuki-Zo community people have demonstrated in Manipur’s Kangpokpi district to press the demand for a separate administration for the tribe. They also demanded that the Centre hold proper talks with Kuki groups who had earlier signed a Suspension of Operations (SoO) pact with the government.

The demonstrators under the banner of the Committee on Tribal Unity Sadar Hills held a sit-in at Gamgiphai, a village along the border of Kangpokpi and Imphal West districts. “We are holding a peaceful sit-in. We want that the government meet our demand for separate administration for us,” one of the protestors said.

Ten tribal MLAs belonging to the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi group in Manipur have urged the Centre to create a separate administration for their community in the wake of the violent clashes between the Meiteis and tribals.

Chief Minister N Biren Singh has rejected the demand.

The Kuki-Zo demonstrators also said they support the United People’s Front (UPF) and the Kuki National Organization (KNO), as there is speculation that the Centre will hold talks with the two groups that had inked the SoO pact.

The SoO agreement was signed by the Centre, the Manipur government and two conglomerates of Kuki militant outfits – KNO and UPF. The pact was first signed in 2008 and extended periodically.

Ethnic violence broke out in Manipur nearly three months ago, killing over 160 people since then, and injuring hundreds.

The violence erupted on May 3 after a ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ was organised in the hill districts to protest against the Meitei community’s demand for Scheduled Tribe (ST) status.

Meiteis account for about 53 per cent of Manipur’s population and live mostly in the Imphal Valley, while tribals, which include Nagas and Kukis, constitute 40 per cent and reside mainly in the hill districts.

[edit] Meira Paibi

[edit] 1980s-2023

Esha Roy, June 28, 2023: The Indian Express

The insurgency in Manipur is one of the oldest in the country, with the first Imphal Valley-based Meitei group and the insurgency movement’s mother body, United National Liberation Front (UNLF), founded in 1964. Two decades later, in the early 1980s, the Meitei insurgency hit its peak, with a proliferation of militant groups. It was then that the Union government sent in the Army and paramilitary troops, and the Meira Paibis or the “women torch bearers” of Manipur first came head to head with the security forces.

As the security forces launched combing operations in Imphal Valley, raiding village after village in search of insurgents, the Meira Paibis and their Emas (mothers) stood their ground to protect “Naharols”, that in the Meitei tongue means “youth” but at the time was a commonly used moniker for the cadre of insurgent groups.

Forty years later, the Meira Paibis seem to have slipped back into the same role. On Monday, the Army’s Spear Corps tweeted a video showing the Meira Paibis taking to the roads to block the movement of security forces and in one instance accompanying, in vehicles, youth who were allegedly armed. While conspicuously absent in the first phase of the violence in Manipur that started on May 3, the Meira Paibis are back in force since direct clashes started between armed men of the Kuki-Zomi tribes and the Meiteis.

While Manipuri society is not matrilineal, women have always held a central place in Meitei society, prompting author Manjushree Chaki Sircar to call them — in her book “Feminism in a traditional society: Women of the Manipur valley” — some of the first feminists in the country. From the times of the Manipuri kings and the kingdom of Kangleipak, unlike neighbouring societies, women have enjoyed property rights.

There is also the oft-quoted role of the Meira Paibis in British India when two major movements or “Nupi Lal (women’s war)” took place. The first was in 1904 when Col Maxwell attempted to reintroduce the Lallup system by which men were required to perform 10 days of free labour every 30 days. The order was subsequently retracted. The second Nupi Lal took place in 1939, with Meira Paibis taking to the streets to protest against the Maharaja’s economic policies, price rise, and the export of rice from Manipur when there was paucity in the kingdom. The Maharaja, like the British earlier, relented.

In their paper on Meira Paibis published in the Asian Review of Social Sciences in 2020, Aruna Chanu Oinam and Purnima Thoidingjam wrote, “Every woman in Manipur becomes Meira Paibi during a difficult situation which directly affects the communities.’’ In independent India, every movement in Manipur state on every issue of vital importance was led by Meira Paibis, whether it was for statehood (Manipur became a state in 1972), the inclusion of Manipur in the Eighth Schedule, or the famous agitation that led to the ban on alcohol.

Every Leikai (colony) in Imphal City has a group of Meira Paibis. As does every Meitei village. The eldest of each group becomes its leader. Though the Meira Paibis represent all of Meitei society, only married women make up their ranks. Academics say only women “past their biological cycle” are meant to be inducted into the groups “as a measure of protection against sexual assault”. And while today women of all ages are Meira Paibis, the leadership positions continue to be held by the eldest among the women. And despite some amount of streamlining and institutionalisation over the years, the body remains largely amorphous.

In more recent decades, it is the group’s stand against the controversial Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) that has given it a legendary status. They were also the backbone of Irom Sharmila’s 16-year hunger strike against AFSPA. The Meira Paibis’ agitation against AFSPA was accompanied by an equally fierce watch on human rights violations in the state. In 2004, following the alleged rape and murder of Thangjam Manorama Devi, a suspected insurgent, around 30 Meira Paibi women marched naked in Imphal city with a banner that read: “Indian Army Rape Us”.

But even as the Meira Paibis have assumed responsibility for the state’s most pressing issues, they simultaneously have become arbitrators of more personal, smaller ones. They hear and resolve marital disputes and property disputes involving women, and have over time become the Meitei society’s “moral conscience”. This new role increased when the conflict in Manipur waned. Several years ago, the Meira Paibis cracked down on the youth of Imphal Valley for “morally straying”. Groups of Meira Paibis started paying surprise visits to Imphal Valley’s ubiquitous rice hotels, many of which would have secluded cabins at the back where young men and women could meet privately. They cracked down on the use of cellphones among the youth as well.

Despite the Meira Paibis’ moral vigilantism, their main focus remained the larger movements confronting the Meitei society. From 2012 to 2019, when the Inner Line Permit was finally imposed in Manipur, it was the Meira Paibis who remained constant and on the frontlines of the sometimes violent agitation that often led to a face-off between agitators and the Manipur Police, and subsequently curfews.

Meira Paibis vs Meira Paibis

But the Meira Paibis are not a homogeneous entity and who the groups owe their allegiance to often differs. After the BJP took the reins of the state in 2017, the economic bandhs and blockades that plagued Manipur and brought life to a halt frequently came to an end. Months after the new dispensation came to power, a curious incident unfolded in Imphal Valley. On June 10, three months after N Biren Singh assumed office as chief minister, the Meira Paibis of Thangmeiband Colony in the capital city called a “love bandh” after a local woman alleged that 38-year-old Heikham Dingo Singh, a first-time MLA from the BJP, was refusing to marry her after a seven-year relationship.

The angered Meira Paibis of Thangmeiband stormed Sekmai town where Singh hails from, with the woman in tow, and stood in front of the gates of the MLA’s home, demanding that he accept her. But the Meira Paibis were met with an equally powerful force to be reckoned with and the only one that could stop them in their tracks — the Meira Paibis of Sekmai.

[edit] Women in politics

[edit] Absent from the political arena

Prabin Kalita, Manipur celebrated activist Sharmila, but is it ready for Irom the neta?, March 1, 2017: The Times of India

When `Iron Lady' Irom Sharmila -who took on the Centre single-handedly with her epic 16-year-long fast demanding repeal of AFSPA -filed her nomination against the formidable Congress CM Okram Ibobi Singh, few were on her side. The significance of the quest for the political equality that Sharmila has set out to achieve was lost on many .

That's because politically , women are nowhere on the scene in the poll-bound state. Manipuri women, who man the society and guard it from social evils, had in 2004 staged a naked protest outraged over the rape and murder of a woman allegedly by personnel of Assam Rifles. Yet these guardians are still ignored in the political arena.

Take the major parties. All told, there are only 10 women nomi nees among the 266 candidates.This, despite the fact that women outnumber the state's male voters. The Congress and BJP have fielded two and three candidates, respectively, while Mamata Banerjee's TMC has also fielded one woman candi date. Apart from Sharmil herself, PRJA has fielded Manipur's first Meitei Muslim candidate. The outgoing assembly has three women, including Ibobi Singh's wife.

A Congress politico claims, “The party is interested in giving more tickets to women, but they're not interested in politics.“ Explanation or excuse? Strangely , a BJP neta made exactly the same remark to justify the absence of women in the fray.

Leading women's activist Sobiat Devi says a patriarchal society, lack of economic independ ence and the lack of support from families, even their husbands, is the reason behind this inequality being perpetrated.

“In Manipur, women are at the “In Manipur, women are at the orefront when it comes to taking on militants and security forces. But when it comes to equal rights in policy-making, equal rights in policy-making, the equation is vastly skewed,“ she says. Devi's NGO Women Action for Development is doing ground work to gauge how much funds a woman needs to contest in an assembly election. “However strong Manipur's women may be, they live in a patriarchal society. Men call the shots in society and at home.Fighting elections is all about money and muscle power -women here lack both,“ she said. But there's hope yet. “Five years from now, you'll see a change,“ says a hopeful Devi, adding that women have 33% reservation at the panchayat and urban level elections but not where it matters the most -the assembly .For Devi and hundreds of women, Sharmila has shattered that barrier that kept women away from contesting.

Others are part cautious, part sceptical about Sharmila's bid.“Irom's entry into politics came just six months ago... Her party is controlled by a few men. Some of whom are using her iconic status to make a headway in politics,“ says Binalakshmi Nepram, author and founder of Manipur Women Gun Survivors Network, Control Arms Foundation India. Nepram says it's a long road ahead for real `change'.Sharmila's poll bid is crowd funded, including donations from Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal. She has said she'll defeat the CM and take up the one cause she crusaded for ­ repeal of AFSPA.

[edit] Statistics, year-wise

[edit] 2020

[edit] Five ex-Cong MLAs join BJP

Of the six Congress MLAs who recently resigned as legislators of Manipur assembly, five joined BJP in New Delhi on Wednesday. Those who joined BJP include Okram Henry, the nephew of former CM Okram Ibobi Singh, among others. TNN

[edit] 6 Cong MLAs quit assembly, party

6 Manipur Cong MLAs quit assembly, party, August 12, 2020: The Times of India

Six Congress MLAs in Manipur have submitted their resignation from the assembly and also quit the party. The six legislators, who had handed over resignation letters to speaker Yumnam Khemchand Singh, formally informed the Congress office in Imphal about leaving the party.

The six are among the eight Congress legislators who had defied a party whip on Monday and skipped the one-day session of the assembly, in which the BJP-led N Biren Singh government had comfortably won the confidence vote.

Those giving up their assembly membership as well as quitting party included Okram Henry Singh, nephew of Congress legislature party leader Okram Ibobi Singh. Others are Oinam Lukhoi, Md Abdul Nasir, Paonam Brojen, Ngamthang Haokip and Ginsuanhau. Assembly speaker M Ramani Devi said the speaker has accepted resignations of five of them and their seats have been declared vacant. AGENCIES

[edit] 2023

[edit] May: Ethnic violence

[edit] Backgrounders

[edit] Early May, 2023

JASMIN NIHALANI, VIGNESH RADHAKRISHNAN & REBECCA ROSE VARGHESE, May 9, 2023: The Hindu

The fault lines in Manipur
From: JASMIN NIHALANI, VIGNESH RADHAKRISHNAN & REBECCA ROSE VARGHESE, May 9, 2023: The Hindu

The ethnic violence that broke out in Manipur last week has led to over 50 deaths. Thousands have fled the State or are being evacuated. Hundreds of houses, churches, temples, and vehicles have been vandalised or set ablaze. At the heart of this conflict is the long-standing hill-valley identity divide.

On the one hand, the better educated, Manipuri-speaking urban dwellers, comprising mainly Hindus and a significant share of Muslims, live in the State’s valley, which is not covered by forests. They have better access to good quality drinking water, clean cooking fuel, and hospitals. The population in the valley dominates public sector jobs, and the economy of the region is propped up by tourists, who, for the most part, stay in the valley. A higher share of industries, which provide better employment opportunities, can also be found in the valley.

On the other, the relatively less educated tribal people live in the rural areas. A majority of them speak the Tangkhul, Thado, Kabui or the Mao language. Close to 90% of them are Christians. They live in the hilly regions, which are covered mostly by forests, and have relatively poor access to basic facilities. This population is poorly represented in public sector jobs. Very few of them work in industries and don’t earn a sufficient income from tourism.

The trigger for the violence was a tribal solidarity march organised by the All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur (ATSUM), which was supported by tribal bodies including the Naga Students Union Chandel, the Sadar Hills Tribal Union on Land and Forests, the Tangkhul Katamnao Saklong and the Tribal Churches Leaders Forum, according to the Press Trust of India. The ATSUM called this rally to protest the Manipur High Court’s direction to the State to pursue a recommendation to grant Scheduled Tribe status to the non-tribal Meitei-speaking people (officially called the Manipuri language).

The population with Manipuri as its mother tongue dominates the valley districts — Imphal West, Imphal East, Thoubal and Bishnupur — and forms 85-99% of each district’s population. On the other hand, in the hill districts — Senapati, Churachandpur, Ukhrul, Chandel and Tamenglong — the Manipuri-speaking population is less than 4%. Tangkhul in Ukhrul district, Mao in Senapati district, Kabui in Tamenglong district, and Thado across most hill districts are the dominant mother tongues.

The vandalisation of places of worship in the State has brought to the fore the sharp hill-valley divide in religious terms. In the hill districts, 89-96% of the population is Christian, while in the valley their share is marginal. In the valley, 60-75% is Hindu, with the Imphal East and Thoubal districts having a significantly high Muslim population.

The grievance of the hill tribal people that according ST status to the Meiteis will eat into their share of reservation seems to be borne out by data. The tables show that their share in public sector employment (as of 2016) was on the lower side. People from the hills held 35% of public sector jobs while they formed close to 43% of the population, whereas those from the valley held about 65% of such jobs. Also, close to 90% of foreign and 75% of domestic tourists restrict themselves to the valley.

The hill-valley divide is more pronounced when access to basic facilities is compared. In the valley, 73-90% of households had access to better quality water compared to 51-69% in the hill districts. In the valley, 70-90% of households had access to clean cooking fuel, compared to 23-62% in the hills. In the valley, 67-76% of births were institutional, compared to 39-67% in the hills.

[edit] Till August 2023

August 23, 2023: The Times of India

Was the Manipur violence a means to an end? A closer look at the events unfolding since May 3 hints at what looks like a political ploy to destabilise the N Biren Singh-led government in order to push the demand for separation. However, Union home minister Amit Shah’s statement in the Lok Sabha seems to have upset the plan.The three-month Manipur unrest fuelled three weeks of ruckus in Parliament. As expected, the opposition bloc lost the no-trust vote, but it succeeded in eliciting a reply from the prime minister on the long-drawn ethnic strife in the northeastern state. While appealing for peace in Manipur, Shah listed the steps taken by the Centre to tackle the bloody conflict that has left over 160 people dead. He also spoke about relief and rehabilitation measures for the affected people. Most importantly, he rejected the Opposition’s demand for President’s rule, on the grounds that the state government was fully cooperating with the Centre in its efforts to restore normalcy in Manipur.Shah’s remarks have angered the Kuki groups, including the influential Indigenous Tribal Leaders’ Forum (ITLF) as well as 10 legislators who have been advocating a separate administration. But why are they so upset?

Protest or a smokescreen?Between May 3 and 13, a narrative was spread by some elements implying that the scheduled tribe (ST) demand by the majority Meiteis triggered the violence. A 'peaceful' rally was taken out on May 3 by the All Tribal Students’ Union, Manipur (ATSUM) in protest against a controversial Manipur high court order for inclusion of Meiteis in the ST list.However, according to police sources, the ‘Tribal Solidarity March’ had witnessed participation of some armed groups that attacked Meiteis in the Torbung area of Churachandpur district. Houses were burnt and women were abused, forcing the Meiteis to leave the hill district. This was corroborated by a gang-rape survivor who narrated her ordeal in a first information report (FIR) registered with the state police on August 9.The violence in Churachandpur did spark retaliatory attacks in the valley, forcing Kukis to leave Imphal and other areas. Women from both sides became an instrument of violence. Police have arrested at least seven people in connection with the viral video case that shook the conscience of the nation. Moving the goalpostsInterestingly, the anger over the high court order related to the ST status for Meiteis soon vanished. Almost 10 days after violence broke out, a group of 10 Kuki-Zo legislators, including seven from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), expressed “no-confidence” in the Biren Singh-led government and demanded separation from Manipur.Their contention was that the chief minister had “miserably failed to protect” the Kuki-Zo people. In a press statement, they alleged the “unabated violence that began on May 3, 2023 perpetrated by majority Meiteis tacitly supported by the current government of Manipur against the Chin-Kuki-Mizo-Zomi hill tribals has already partitioned the state and effected a total separation” from Manipur.

“As elected representatives of our people, we today represent the sentiments of our people and endorse their political aspiration of separation from the state of Manipur,” the statement read.The question is why the Kuki side abandoned the issue they had raked up 10 days ago and raised a new one. Subsequently, demonstrations were held in various parts of the country demanding the removal of Biren Singh as the CM.Migrants — myth or reality?The Centre and the Manipur government on May 17 told the Supreme Court that the genesis of ethnic violence in the state was the crackdown on illegal illicit poppy cultivation involving illegal immigrants from Myanmar and drug business in the hill districts even though the high court’s order was the immediate trigger.Replying to the debate on the no-trust motion, Shah said on August 9 that the ongoing civil war in Myanmar has prompted thousands of refugees to flee into Manipur across a porous border. Chins in northern Myanmar share ethnic ties with Kukis in Manipur. The influx from Myanmar following the February 2021 military takeover of the country, created “a feeling of insecurity” among the Meiteis, he said. The high court order added “fuel to the fire”, according to the home minister.India is not a signatory to the 1951 UN Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. And the central government does not officially accord refugee status to foreigners seeking shelter even on humanitarian grounds, and considers them illegal immigrants. Shah’s comments were in line with what the state government and several valley-based civil society organisations have been claiming for nearly a year – that there has been a sharp rise in population in hill areas. Even the Nagas expressed concern over hundreds of illegal or “unrecognised villages” that came up in recent years.Earlier this month, the United Naga Council (UNC), the apex body of Naga tribes in Manipur, demanded that the Biren Singh-led government implement a National Register of Citizens (NRC) to curb the influx.The Nagas and the Kukis dominate the 10 hill districts which account for 90% of the total geographical areas of the state. The tribals make up roughly 42% of the total 28.55 lakh population of Manipur, according to the 2011 Census. In comparison, the majority Meiteis (53%) are largely spread across the remaining six districts in the valley. The home minister’s statement has drawn a sharp reaction from the ITLF and the 10 Kuki legislators. They said it was “disheartening that Shah should state in Parliament that the ethnic cleansing of Kuki-Zomi-Hmar people is a disturbance caused by infiltration from Myanmar”.A drive to capture biometric details of migrants/refugees is already underway in Manipur following a Union home ministry order.

Additionally, the Manipur government is serious about tackling the issue of illegal entry of names in voter lists. In February 2020, the chief minister said in the state assembly that 75,000 “illegal voters” were removed from electoral rolls in the state. Until December 2022, nearly 1.30 lakh suspected entries were removed from the voter lists.Notably, two complaints were lodged against a Hyderabad University professor in Manipur recently. One of them was for allegedly spewing venom at the Meiteis. The other pertains to his alleged fraudulent enrollment as a voter of the state. The apex court on August 14 granted him temporary relief from arrest, saying “for two weeks from today, no coercive steps be taken against him”.Questions were also raised about the citizenship of T Guite, president of the Zomi Reunification Organisation/Zomi Revolutionary Army, which is active in Manipur. In 2019, the Union home ministry wrote to the chief secretary of Manipur, highlighting certain facts about Guite.It said Guite was elected as a member of parliament in Myanmar in 1990, but later fled the country fearing arrest. Guite and his family are now settled in Churachandpur and they are registered voters in the state.The central government had asked the state government to send a “factual report” and sought to know whether any legal action was taken against Guite.The land grab bogeyThe Kuki MLAs also termed the violence as “a pre-planned attack aimed at grabbing tribal land against constitutional provisions”, a claim that is inconsistent with the chronology of events since May 3.The allegation of land grab came in the wake of the state government’s eviction drive in forest areas. The Kuki groups have accused the state government of carrying out a targeted eviction drive. But government data, reviewed by TOI+, shows that more Meiteis have been evicted from “reserve forests” and “protected forests” than any other community.According to figures released by the Manipur forest department last month, 143 Meiteis and 137 Meitei Pangals (Muslim) were evicted from October 2015 to April 2023 compared to 59 Kukis, 38 Nagas and 36 Nepalese.

Old wine in new bottleFinally, the demand for separation is not a new issue that popped up overnight. It is linked to Kuki militancy and the ongoing peace process.The Kuki militancy gained momentum in the 1990s in the wake of ethnic clashes with the Nagas in Manipur. A peace process began with the signing of a tripartite suspension of operations (SoO) pact between nearly two dozen Kuki militant groups, the Centre and the state government in 2008.Following this, the Kuki National Organisation (KNO), a conglomeration of various rebel outfits, gave up its original demand for a separate state – “Zale’n-gam” (the land of freedom) comprising parts of northeastern India, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The Kuki-Chin-Zo people are spread across these countries.Needless to say, the current unrest in Manipur has offered a unique opportunity to these militant groups to revive the idea for separation. Speculation is rife that the KNO and the United People’s Front (UPF), another umbrella body of Kuki militant groups that signed the SoO pact, have asked the Centre to drop a key clause from the ceasefire agreement.A delegation comprising KNO and UPF representatives reportedly met the Centre’s interlocutor AK Mishra in Delhi last month, during which they pressed for dropping the clause on safeguarding Manipur’s territorial integrity from the 2008 pact. Besides, the rebel groups are believed to have raised the demand for a Union Territory (UT) with legislative powers.A botched planHowever, with the Centre unlikely to allow any division of Manipur, the only option left for the Kukis is a tribal autonomous council under Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, as reported by TOI+. Besides, the pressure from 10 Kuki MLAs – including seven from the ruling BJP — to remove Biren Singh as the CM did not yield any results as the Centre is fully aware that he enjoys the support of as many as 40 legislators in the 60-member assembly.All this explains why the Kuki-Zomi politicians and other pressure groups are disappointed by Shah’s statement.

[edit] BJP state unit writes to HQ about Public Anger

Sep 30, 2023: The Times of India

IMPHAL: BJP’s Manipur unit has blamed its own government for failing to curb the state’s ethnic violence, telling national president J P Nadda in the first such overt move that growing “people’s anger and protest is turning the tide” against the administration. The concerns have been flagged in a signed letter that top eight office bearers of the party, led by state chief A Sarda Devi, sent to Nadda.

The letter from the leaders seeks an audience with PMNarendra Modi and comes a day after armed mobs tried to simultaneously storm the family residence of chief minister N Biren Singh in Imphal East and a BJP MLA’s house in Imphal West.

“Public anger and protest are now slowly turning the tide, putting the sole onus of this prolonged disturbances solely into the failure of the government in dealing with the situation. We know that our government is also working unstopped day and night so as to bring back normalcy in the state,” the letter states.

According to the BJP leaders, “acute difficulties” faced by people in their day-to-day lives was “also playing a major role in coping up with the new development in this crisis”.

They urged Nadda to push for the revocation of Article 355 and the restoration of the unified command to the CM to bring back confidence in the state government. Under Article 355, the Centre calls the shots in several aspects of security amid the continuing unrest.

The leaders emphasised the need to normalise traffic on national highways and arrest troublemakers. Calling for immediate resettlement and rehabilitation of the 60,000-odd displaced people and compensation for lost homes, the leaders requested Nadda’s support for the injured and deceased, as promised by the government.

The letter highlighted the importance of effectively implementing the Suspension of Operation (SoO) ground rules and treating any violations as acts of terrorism.

Additionally, they also sought assistance in the release of Moirangthem Anand Singh, who was detained by the NIA recently on charges of a “transnational conspiracy” with Myanmar-based rebels to wage war against the State. His arrest along with some others earlier on charges of posing as Manipur cops had widespread demonstrations for their release. The protesters claimed Anand and the others were village volunteers.

The letter to Nadda also called for informing the Union home ministry (MHA) about the conclusion of a drive to record biometric data of illegal Myanmar immigrants to facilitate the early implementation of the National Register of Citizenship (NRC) in the state.

The BJP leaders emphasised the need to destroy poppy plantations and the establishment of a joint monitoring committee with representatives from the Civil Society Organisation for constant vigilance.

[edit] 3 Kuki MLAs lose House panel posts

Prabin Kalita, Nov 25, 2023: The Times of India

3 Kuki MLAs in Manipur lose House panel posts

Guwahati : Three Kuki-Zo legislators of conflictscarred Manipur, two of them from BJP, have been replaced as chairpersons of separate assembly committees without assigning any reason. One of the new appointees is an MLA of the Naga People’s Front.


The assembly secretariat notified the appointments by speaker Thokchom Satyabrata Singh. 
 According to Rule 236A governing procedure and conduct of business in the assembly, if the chief of a house committee “for any reason is unable to act, the speaker may appoint anoth er chairperson.”


Losii Dikho, MLA of the Naga-dominant Mao constituency, has been appointed chairperson of the committee on government assurance, replacing the Independent Kuki legislator from Saitu, Haokholet Kipgen. 
 BJP legislator Khongbantabam Ibomcha from Lamlai is the new chief of the library committee, replacing BJP’s Thanlon legislator Vungzagin Valte.


National People’s Party legislator from Kakching, Mayanglambam Rameshwar, replaces BJP’s Churachandpur MLA and former DGP LM Khaute as chairperson of the committee on public undertakings.

[edit] 2024

[edit] Feb: HC revokes directive to consider ST status for Meiteis

Prabin Kalita, February 23, 2024: The Times of India

Manipur HC revokes directive to consider ST status for Meiteis

Prabin Kalita

Guwahati : Manipur high court has removed a contentious paragraph from its 2023 directive to the state govt to consider giving scheduled tribe (ST) status to the Meitei community, which some blame for the ethnic violence that has ravaged the state for nine months.


Justice Golmei Gaiphulshillu modified former acting Chief Justice MV Muralidharan’s directive of March 27, 2023, while hearing a review petition filed by Meitei Tribes Union, whose earlier plea was the genesis of the order.
The union had originally petitioned HC to ask Manipur’s BJP-led govt to recommend to the Union tribal affairs ministry that Meiteis be put on the ST list.


Justice Gaiphulshillu ci ted a 2001 observation by a Supreme Court Constitution bench in the State of Maharashtra vs Milind & Ors case that courts cannot modify, amend or alter the ST list.

HC retains order asking govt to file proposal for Meiteis’ ST tag

The part of ex-acting CJ Muralidharan’s order that has been deleted was a directive to state govt to “consider the case of the petitioners for inclusion of the Meetei/Meitei community in the ST list expeditiously, preferably within a period of four weeks from the date of receipt of a copy of this order”.
The judge left untouched the portion of the order asking state govt to “submit the recommendation” regarding ST status to the Meitei community in response to a May 29, 2013 letter from the tribal affairs ministry.


A Supreme Court bench led by CJI DY Chandrachud last year took exception to the controversial portion of the former acting CJ’s order. The Meitei group filed its review petition after that.


The petitioners submitted that following a representation by the Scheduled Tribe Demand Committee in 2013, the tribal affairs ministry wrote to state govt requesting specific recommendations along with the latest socio-economic survey and an ethnographic report. State govt never followed up on that, it said.


Manipur PCC president and MLA K Meghachandra said the ruling on the review petition doesn’t mean that the move for ST status to the Meitei community has been revoked altogether. “So far as the recommendation is concerned, it is still operative in the writ petition. So, govt should act as per court’s directive,” he said.

[edit] See also

Manipur (Home page)

Manipur Merger Agreement, 1949

Manipur: History, 1890-1930

Manipur: Political history, 1946-52

Manipur: Political history: 1953-

Meitei community after 1947

The Maring tribe: History

World War II and India

Kuki-Meitei relations

Meitei community

Kuki

The Tibeto-Chinese family: Indian languages (list)

V. Shanmuganathan