Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
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Contents |
A profile
See graphic
Some biographical information about Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
Popularity abroad
Busts, statues, memorial lectures, as in 2018
Subodh Ghildiyal, Ambedkar cult spreading across world, May 29, 2018: The Times of India
Yet Another US Univ Installs Bhimrao Bust
When Bhimrao Ambedkar’s bust was inaugurated in University of Massachusetts Amherst on May 5, it marked another step in the growing global footprint of the iconic emancipator.
Statues and university chairs in Ambedkar’s name as also studies on his thought are growing at a rapid pace across continents. The unveiling of the bust was part of an international conference on ‘Unfinished Legacy of Ambedkar.’ The programme was facilitated by the Indian/Dalit diaspora of Boston.
In November 2017, three universities in Canada instituted annual Ambedkar memorial lectures. British Columbia University, Simon Fraser University and York University are no strangers to Ambedkar. Fraser had installed an Ambedkar bust in 2004 and York in 2015.
It has been slow in coming but Ambedkar’s name is spreading. Vivek Kumar, professor of sociology in Jawaharlal Nehru University, said, “Universities in major countries work with local communities. And there is a vibrant Dalit diaspora in the US and Canada. They have been arguing with campuses that when you teach Gandhi, Martin Luther King and Mandela, you cannot ignore Ambedkar who was a torchbearer of human rights.”
Now, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations is set to establish a chair for a semester on ‘Ideology of Dr Ambedkar’ at Simon Fraser University.
If there is an awakening of sorts about the author of the Indian Constitution, experts say it stems from a curious mix of circumstances. Just when Dalit diaspora is asserting its identity across countries, from North America to Europe to Australia, there is also a growing interest in the Dalit dimension of emancipation, part of the ‘race and caste’ debate. Hyper communication across borders is only intensifying the process.
Prof A Ramaiah of Tata Institute of Social Sciences believes the true vehicle for spread of Ambedkar is his philosophy based on Buddhism which talks about world peace, women’s rights and harmonious living. “He is not just about caste. In sociology and anthropology, he is becoming popular across countries,” he said.
Helping the Ambedkar cult is Ambedkar himself, with an international profile comprising doctorates from Columbia University and London School of Economics. Observers say Ambedkar’s memory saw a revival with his centenary in 1991. While a bust was installed in his alma mater LSE in 1994, Columbia University followed suit in 2000.
The trend may only spread further through Indian diaspora in developed countries.
Brahm Dutt, an engineer turned businessman, played a key role through Ambedkar International Mission in installing the bust at York University. “We now want that Ambedkar should be part of school curriculum in Canada, there should be essays written about him in universities,” he said.
The Economist
Dr. Kakali Majumdar , Ambedkar as a visionary economist "Daily Excelsior" 14/4/2017
Dr. Bheem Rao Ambedker was not only a visionary Economist as his Doctorates from London School of Economics as well as his many Research papers and D.Sc. in Economics, will vouch, but also a social reformer who was pained and taken in by the many social ills afflicting our society. He, as a mass leader with immense fortitude and visionary outlook for the future, commanded respect among his peers who were themselves no less legendaries, as very few did. Even against tremendous odds and most humble background that included social ostracization owing to the caste system, he presented himself as a tall figure and worked for subaltern sections of society that were left far behind in march to liberation and progress. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was greatly influenced by ideas of liberty, equality, human rights and Democratic values. As an Economist with profound insight and grasp of the subject, the question is how much are his methodologies implemented and how are these relevant in the present scenario of economic development of our country.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s basic economic idea was the establishment of Mixed Economy that is the current status of Indian economy. He was against the laissez-faire vis-a vis the socialism. Again he believed that capitalism is the root cause of economic inequality and thus not desirable. Ambedkar’s contribution to the well being and upliftment of the most marginalised sections of the society is only too well chronicled to be repeated, but his contribution in drafting the Indian Constitution, which we hold as a sacroscent commitment to the people of India, can never be overestimated.
Being a visionary economist and policy maker, Dr. Ambedkar put immense importance and made some thorough policy suggestion for the agriculture sector of India, as well. So far as Indian tradition of land holding is concerned, huge inequality and uneven distribution existed in the pre Independence era. He criticized traditional definition of economic land holding and redefined the economic land holding. His definition is not based on the size of land holding, rather than the proportion of factor inputs to the production. He was concerned about the uneven distribution of land in India and was also aware of the pitfalls of small holdings. Dr. Ambedkar is of the opinion that small size of land holding is cause for low production and productivity in Indian agriculture sector. His main suggestion was the nationalization of entire agricultural land with collective farming. According to him Agriculture should be considered as state industry. That means the control and responsibility of agriculture should be taken care of by the state. Unequal land holding and insufficient use of tools of production are the key problems of Indian agriculture leading to the low productivity. As pointed out, Dr. Ambedkar was against the small land holding. With the focus of nationalization he advocated cooperative farming.
Dr. Ambedkar opined about the rapid industrialization through which some part of agriculture involved people, that existed in the form of disguised unemployment, could be shifted to some other productive sector. The move of surplus labour from agriculture will not only improve the productivity of the agriculture sector but also economy as a whole was the underlying idea of Ambedkar. Almost ten decade ago Dr. Ambedkar had said that agriculture should be converted into an industry which could improve the economy of India. But the point of more importance is that Agriculture shall be a state industry thereby implying that the overall control with regard to distribution of land, supply of productive inputs rests on the state.
He was in favour of taxing the agriculture sector with certain modification in the existing system. He advocated bringing the land revenue under the income-tax.
Dr. Ambedkar also suggested for mixed currency system in both gold coins and notes. He was also of the opinion to establish a central bank that will control the money supply and other related government activities. The concept of RBI is originated from the vision of Dr. Amdebkar. The monetary policies for controlling inflation etc. which are in practice today were prescribed by him long ago. His visionary recommendation with regard to Indian currency was that it should be changed every 10 years to keep a check on the problems of hoarding of black money and also check inflation. The step taken for demonetization by the present Prime Minister is a reflection of this thought of Ambedkar.
Thus if we consider the current Indian economic scenario, Dr. Ambedkar’s recommendation and thoughts will be visible to a large extent. On his 126 birth anniversary, it is the high time that we once again take a deep look into the visions of Dr. Ambedkar and focus on its implementation in the present phase of the Indian economy.
(The author teaches at Department of Economics, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University)
Annihilation of Caste (1936)
’ The Caste System is not merely a division of labour …’
Arjun Sengupta, April 17, 2023: The Indian Express
The quote
“The Caste System is not merely a division of labour. It is also a division of labourers. Civilised society undoubtedly needs division of labour. But in no civilised society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into watertight compartments … it is a hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other.”
Responding to a commonly stated defence of caste (that it is just another name for division of labour), Dr Ambedkar succinctly yet profoundly describes the uniqueness of the caste system and why it is problematic.
Division of labour
The basic point of social organisation is to share responsibilities. In other words, living in a society means that no one person has to perform all the tasks required for their sustenance. The burden of these tasks is distributed in society, through what we call ‘specialisation’. Thus, a society has farmers who produce food, factory workers who produce goods, sweepers who clean buildings, cobblers who produce shoes, and so on. Over time, the division of labour has morphed and gained sophistication.
However, in almost all schools of thought, it is considered both necessary and inevitable. The issue surrounding it is rather about how this division is made – “who does what work” – and how remunerations are decided. This is at the heart of many discussions about different bases of injustice, such as class (why are factory workers paid a fraction of the amount a CEO is paid?) and gender (why is women’s labour at home not remunerated?/why are women expected to work at home”).
Division of labourers
Ambedkar acknowledges that the division of labour is necessary for society. However, caste goes far beyond being just that. This is because of two basic features of the caste system.
First, the caste system works on the principle of heredity – an individual inherits their caste, and thus their occupation, from their father. This means that if the father is a vaidya (doctor), the son must follow in his footsteps regardless of his own talents or proclivities. Through the principle of endogamy (marrying within one’s own community), the society is divided into “clear, watertight compartments”. This is why Ambedkar calls caste a division of labourers rather than labour – there is no scope for mobility and intermixing among castes (through taboos on things like interdining, untouchability, etc.)
If caste were just a division of labour, it would be possible for a sweeper’s son to become a priest and a priest’s son to be a sweeper. But that is not how caste society works. In fact, till this day, stories of social mobility are exceptions rather than the rule.
For instance, as recently as 2021, then Minister of State of Social Justice and Empowerment Ramdas Athwale told the Rajya Sabha that 73.31 per cent of all manual scavengers were from Scheduled Castes, who, as per the 2011 census, make roughly 16 per cent of the population. Ambedkar calls this an “unnatural” division.
Gradation of these divisions
Not only does caste create watertight compartments in society, but it also grades these compartments on what French anthropologist Louis Dumont would call “the notion of purity and pollution”. Every occupation falls somewhere in this vast, often contested, scale. For example, intellectual work, such as reading scriptures, is considered to be the purest while manual work like cleaning toilets is considered to be polluting.
This is the basis of untouchability as well – people of castes who engage in certain tasks considered polluting are thus discriminated against as untouchables. Given that occupation is strictly passed down hereditarily, this gradation of individuals on the basis of the purity of their occupation is the ultimate injustice of caste.
While across the world, there are class divisions, which too treat some occupations as being better than others, the reason why caste is unique is that this treatment has a moral connotation, with certain tasks more virtuous than others. In fact, the justification for the caste system is done on moral terms – people are born into a caste based on the deeds/misdeeds of their previous life.
As Ambedkar writes in the following paragraph, “This division of labour is not spontaneous, it is not based on natural aptitudes… (the caste system) attempts to appoint tasks to individuals in advance – selected not on the basis of trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents.”
Ideological and legal issues
The Times of India, Apr 18 2016
DhananjayMahapatra
On hero-worship
The only political figure who can match Mahat ma Gandhi in the number of statues installed across India is Dr BhimraoBabasahebAmbedkar, The manner in which Ambedkar's birth anniversary is celebrated and the speeches made by politicians are ample proof of hero-worship. Speaking in the Constituent Assembly ,Ambedkar had issued a warning, which has contemporary relevance.“This caution is far more necessary in the case of India than, in the case of any other country . For, in India, Bhakti or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays part in its politics unequalled in magnitude by the part it plays in the politics of any other country. Bhakti in religion may be a road to salvation of the soul. But in politics, bhakti is a sure road to degradation and eventual dictatorship,“ he had said.
Buddhism and reservations
Ambedkar and his wife converted to Buddhism in Nagpur on October 14, 1956.He took to Buddhism after presiding over a congregation of nearly five lakh members of Dalit communities to protest against rabid discrimination and unequal treatment meted out to them by upper caste Hindus. He had full faith in the Dalit community's ability to compete with others in every field, including electoral battles, even if they wrenched themselves out of Hinduism and threw away the SC tag. But, many after 60 years are still not convinced.
D P Meshramand court judgements
A leader of the Dalit community in Nagpur, D P Meshram, too was intrinsically involved in organising the mass conversion to Buddhism. Two months later, on December 6, 1956, Ambedkar passed away . With him, the resolve for the fight for uplift of Dalits too possibly passed away . What has remained is politicians' resolve to reap electoral benefits. Meshram got elected to Maharashtra assembly in 1962 from a constituency reserved for SCs. His election was challenged by Punjab Rao. An election tribunal disqualified Meshram saying the evidence indisputably suggested that he had converted to Buddhism along with Ambedkar in 1956 and hence could no longer be regarded as part of the SC community as the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 said “no person who professes a religion different from Hindu or Sikh religion shall be deemed to be Scheduled Caste“. Despite the telling evidence, the Bombay high court ruled that there was no evidence to show that Meshram had converted to Buddhism. In the Supreme Court, Meshram took the plea that during the mass conversion ceremony in Nagpur, he was entrusted with serving water to the congregation and hence could not participate in the conversion programme. By taking that argument, he was not only dishonouring Ambedkar but also abandoning his ideals. The apex court in Punjab Rao vs Meshram [1965 AIR 1179] said there were other evidence of Meshram converting to Buddhism and hence was ineligible to become a candidate in a constituency reserved for Scheduled Castes.
Cartoon
Interestingly, the very Ambedkar was criticised 60 years ago by the father of political cartooning in India, Keshav Shankar Pillai, who had lampooned the snail-paced work of framing the Constitution. When the same cartoon found a place in a Class XI text book in 2006, it was promptly ordered to be removed by then HRD minister Kapil Sibal, a great votary of free speech.
On the communists
Interestingly ,Ambedkar had a very different view about the communists. On November 25, 1949, Ambedkar strongly refuted the suggestion that fundamental rights should be absolute and unalterable. He said, “The condemnation of the Constitution largely comes from two quarters, the Communist Party and the Socialist Party . The second thing that the socialists want is that the fundamental rights mentioned in the Constitution must be absolute and without any limitations so that if their party comes into power, they would have the unfettered freedom not merely to criticize, but also to overthrow the state. If those who are dissatisfied with the Constitution have only to obtain a 23rd majority and if they cannot obtain even a two-thirds majority in the Parliament elected on adult franchise in their favour, their dissatisfaction with the Constitution cannot be deemed to be shared by the general public.“
Political philosophy
The Times of India, Apr 14 2016
Amulya Gopalakrishnan
If you can't erase him from memory , coopt him.
That's the logic behind the competitive celebrations of BR Ambedkar's 125th birth anniversary . BJP, Congress, the Left, BSP and others are fighting to claim him, each highlighting convenient aspects of his thought.
Ambedkar, though, was a true original. He eludes their grasp, which tries to slot him as a great lawgiver, a nationalist, a Muslim-baiter, a liberal and a democrat, a champion of reservations, a sceptic of communism, a Buddhist trailblazer, and so on.
The most brazen ownership attempt comes from BJP and R S S, whose worldview is exactly what Ambedkar considered his mission to annihilate. “BJP has been trying to woo Dalits, but rather than a larger agenda, it has confined itself to cosmetic things like purchasing Ambedkar's London home, building more statues and trying to appropriate him as a mere icon,“ says Vidhu Verma, professor at JNU. PM Modi compares Ambedkar to Martin Luther King, but has earlier even referred to him as the “modern Manu“ -perhaps unaware that Ambedkar's public burning of the Manusmriti is a milestone in the Dalit struggle.
Ambedkar despised Hinduism as “nothing but a mass of sacrificial, social, political and sanitary rules and regulations“ organised around caste. He is absolutely clear that “the idea of Hindustan for Hindus is not only arrogant... it is arrant nonsense“.
Hindutva ideologues seek common cause with him, sayi ng Ambedkar was anti-Muslim and anti-communist, and that he chose Buddhism rather than one of the Abrahamic religions. But they forget his emphatic view that “no matter what the Hindus say , Hinduism is a menace to liberty, equality and fraternity. On that account it is incompatible with democracy“.
Hindutva voices on Ambedkar often cherrypick from his `Pakistan or Partition of India', a book organised logically in parts titled the `Muslim case for Pakistan', the `Hindu case for Pakistan', `What If Not Pakistan' and so on. By quoting from the second section, without co nveying context, they present him as an anti-Muslim bigot.
But while Ambedkar did urge social reform on Muslims, he was aware of the sense of being a besieged minority in a Hindu-dominated society. As he saw it: “It is this consciousness, that he has to save himself from being submerged by the Hindus, socially and politically , which remains the primary cause why Indian Muslims are backward.“
He objected to the communal politics of Savarkar as well as that of the Muslim League.
In fact, the potential solidarity he saw between Muslims and lower castes was precisely what still threatens BJP . “There are many lower orders in Hindu society whose economic, political and social needs are the same as those of the majority of Muslims and they could be far more ready to make a common cause with Muslims than they would with high-caste Hindus who have denied and deprived them of ordinary human rights for centuries.“
Congress claims that for all his differences with the party , Ambedkar was part of its “dhara“. While it stresses that Cong ress brought him to head the drafting committee for the Constitution, it forgets that much of Ambedkar's political struggle was defined against Congress and Gandhi, whose political philosophy clashed with his at every point, whether it was varnashrama or the glorification of village life. Gandhi, who forced the signing of the Poona Pact, saw separate electorates as a British ploy to divide Indians; Ambedkar saw it as essential for political equality between caste Hindus and Dalits.
For the Left, which now speaks of a great red-and-blue solidarity , Ambedkar doesn't go down easy in terms of ideology or history . When asked why he could not ally with the communists, he said: “For the plain reason that I don't believe in Communism.“ He attributed his defeat in the 1952 elections to the S A Dange-led communist campaign against him.
As Ambedkar saw it, Communists were blind to caste oppression. He spoke up for the worth of private property and money , he defended constitutionalism against the “the dictatorship of the proletariat“ that the Left sought.
Religious beliefs
On the Vedic faith
Vaibhav Purandare, How Babasaheb rejected and criticised the Vedas, Jan 24, 2017: The Times of India
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar, the framer of India's Constitution not only never believed in the Vedas or Vedic faith but severely criticised it several times, once going to the extent of writing, in his canonical work ` Annihiliation of Caste', that “you have got to apply the dynamite to the Vedas and the shastras, which deny any part to reason; to the Vedas and shastras, which deny any part to morality .“
The first eight of the 22 vows that Ambedkar administered to his followers on the day he embraced Buddhism in Nagpur on October 14, 1956, were also an open repudiation of the Vedic religion, said scholar Hari Narke, who edit ed volumes 17 to 22 of Ambedkar's writings and speeches, published by the Maharashtra government.
In 1936, Ambedkar wrote, “The Hindu religion, as contained in the Vedas and the Smritis, is nothing but a mass of sacrificial, social, political and sanitary rules and regulations, all mixed up. What is called religion by the Hindus is nothing but a multitude of commands and prohibitions.“
Offering a radical solution to the problem of too many scriptures in Hinduism, he said the “Vedas, Shastras and Puranas, which are treated as sacred and authoritative, must by law cease to be so and the preaching of any doctrine, religious or social contained in these books should be penalised.“ Describing the great work of the Buddha, Ambedkar stated that the founder of Buddhism had “repudiated the authority of the Vedas“.When Buddha condemned “karma kanda“ (rituals) and Yagnas, Ambedkar stated, the “counter-revolutionaries“ opposed him saying these things “were ordained by the Vedas, the Vedas were infallible.“
But, he wrote, “People who had accepted the gospel of social equality and who were remaking society on the basis of each one according to his merits--how could they accept the Chaturvarnya theory of gradation and separation of man based on birth simply because the Vedas say so?“ In at least four of his works in addition to the controversial `Riddles in Hinduism -Caste in India' (1916), `Annihilation of Caste' (1936), `Who were the Shudras' (1946) and `The Untouchables' (1948) -Ambedkar offered a strong indictment of the earliest known Hindu texts.
Schedule caste empowerment
Mahad satyagraha
Alind Chauhan, April 14, 2023: The Indian Express
In March 1927, Babasaheb and his followers drank water from a community tank that was prohibited for them. That December, they burnt the Manusmriti, a powerful symbolic rejection of the caste system
There was no dearth of milestones in the life of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar. He was the first Dalit to study at Bombay’s Elphinstone College, and he went to Columbia University on a Baroda State Scholarship and then to the London School of Economics. He was the chair of the drafting committee of the Constitution of India, and he became the first law minister of independent India. A lawyer, economist, and political philosopher, he wrote numerous books and gave countless speeches.
But Babasaheb’s most significant contribution lay in galvanising the movement for Dalit emancipation. He is credited with awakening the Dalit consciousness, which powered the community’s bid for political power. It all started with the Mahad Satyagraha of 1927, which was the first major collective protest of the so-called “untouchables” under the stewardship of Ambedkar.
As a grateful nation celebrates the 132nd birth anniversary of the father of India’s Constitution, here is a recall of the Mahad Satyagraha, one of the earlier and among the most significant of milestones in a great life.
Context of the Satyagraha
The events that led to the Mahad Satyagraha began to unfold in August 1923. The Bombay Legislative Council passed a resolution moved by the social reformer Rao Bahadur S K Bole, which said “the Untouchable classes be allowed to use all public water sources, wells and dharmashalas which are built and maintained out of public funds or administered by bodies appointed by the Government or created by statute, as well as public schools, courts, offices and dispensaries.”
Albeit with reluctance, the Bombay government adopted the resolution in the following month, and issued directions for its implementation. The situation on the ground, however, remained unchanged — upper caste Hindus would not allow the lower castes to access public water sources.
At that point, Ramchandra Babaji More, a Mahad-based Dalit political leader, approached Ambedkar to preside “over a conference of the Untouchables in Konkan”, the scholar and civil rights activist Anand Teltumbde wrote in his book, Mahad: The Making of the First Dalit Revolt (2016).
Ambedkar at the time was helping Dalits fight against the social evil of untouchability through the Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabha, the institution that he had founded in 1924.
Ambedkar agreed to More’s proposition, and involved himself in overseeing the preparations for the conference, which was to take place in Mahad town in the Konkan (now in Maharashtra’s Raigad district) on March 19 and 20, 1927. He conducted meetings with local Dalit leaders, stressed on creating “a wave of awakening” among the lower caste people of Konkan, and directed other organisers to conduct meetings to propagate news of the conference.
“The volunteers collected Rs 3 from each of the 40 villages and also collected rice and wheat to feed the participants at Mahad. It took nearly two months of preparations to hold the Conference. Workers and leaders personally met depressed class people and explained to them the importance of the Conference,” historian Swapna H Samel wrote in her paper ‘Mahad Chavadar Tank Satyagraha of 1927: Beginning of Dalit Liberation Under B R Ambedkar’ (Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 1999).
What happened at the Satyagraha
According to Samel, the Mahad Satyagraha — it was labelled as a “conference”, not Satyagraha, at the time — was attended by around 2,500 “delegates, workers and leaders of Depressed Classes from almost all the districts of Maharashtra and Gujarat”, including “boys of fifteen to old men of seventy”.
On the first day of the conference, progressive non-Dalit leaders also came to the event and addressed the attendees, talking about the civil rights of the Dalits and promising to help them in their struggle.
In his speech, Ambedkar said: “I feel that until we get to eat these pieces of stale bread, our condition may stay the same. So long as the old path exists, nobody will take the new path. By clinging to the old path we have been deprived of our dignity. You ought to think how far you are going to walk that path. “I want to particularly emphasize that all of us have to speed up our work of creating awakening among our people….Here, this conference is happening only now. You should never let the fire of awakening douse.” After the day’s proceedings, it was decided that the next morning, Ambedkar, the other organisers and attendees would march to the nearby Chavadar tank, where people from untouchable communities weren’t allowed to draw water from, to implement the resolution — this wasn’t originally planned by the organisers though.
On March 20, Teltumbde wrote, “They began marching in a long procession through the marketplace of Mahad with utmost discipline, shouting slogans of Mahatma Gandhi ki jai (Victory to Mahatma Gandhi), Shiva ji Maharaj ki jai (Victory to Shiva ji Maharaj), and victory to equality. They stopped at the Chavadar Tank and followed Dr Ambedkar, who entered it and picked up its water with his cupped hands. They all shouted ‘Har Har Mahadev (Victory to Lord Mahadev) and drank its water.”
Soon after the conference came to an end, a priest of a local temple went around the town claiming that Dalits were planning to enter the temple, and asked people to help thwart them. This resulted in a clash in which “20 people were seriously injured and 60-70 people, including 3 to 4 women were wounded”, Teltumbde wrote.
Upper caste Hindus conducted a purification ritual of the tank by “emptying out 108 earthen pots full of gomutra (cow’s urine) into it,” Teltumbde wrote.
But Ambedkar was not to be deterred by the backlash. He announced another conference on a much bigger scale, at the same venue on December 26, 1927, in order to showcase the resolve of the Dalit community. This time, he consciously called it a Satyagraha.
Some upper caste Hindus filed a case in court against Ambedkar and his followers on December 12, claiming that the tank was private property. Two days later, the court issued a temporary injunction, prohibiting Babasaheb and other Dalits from going to the tank or taking water from it until further orders.
Mahad Satyagraha, December 1927
The court injunction could dissuade neither the organisers nor the participants. “With the resolve to do or die, the villagers decided to come to the Conference. From each village, the Satyagrahis, nearly 4,000 people gathered at Mahad,” Samel wrote. On December 24, Ambedkar reached the spot, where the police informed him about the lawsuit, and asked him to postpone the Satyagraha.
In the following days, deliberations were held on whether to continue with the Satyagraha in the changed circumstances. Although most people wanted to go ahead, the Satyagraha was suspended on the advice of Ambedkar. Also, unlike the last time, no water was drawn from the Chavadar tank.
“The basic argument Babasaheb Ambedkar put forth before the conference was that their struggle was against the caste Hindus; the objective to demonstrate the strength of their unity and determination was fulfilled; and if they went for the Satyagraha defying the court injunction, it would be direct confrontation with the state, which they ill afforded, particularly when the District Magistrate had assured them of his sympathies,” Teltumbde wrote.
Still, the Satyagraha did not pass without an event. Ambedkar and his followers burnt the Manusmriti, a powerful rejection of the caste system, and the first time that such symbolic action was undertaken.
Samel wrote: “At 9 PM a copy of Manusmriti was placed on the pier in a specially dug pit in front of the pendal (where the conference was taking place) and was ceremoniously burnt at the hands of the untouchable hermits. The burning of the laws of Manu sent shock waves through the Hindu society and filled the untouchables with awe mixed with apprehensions.”
Significance of Mahad Satyagraha
The Mahad Satyagraha is considered to be the “foundational event” of the Dalit movement. This was the first time that the community collectively displayed its resolve to reject the caste system and assert their human rights. Although anti-caste protests had taken place before the Mahad Satyagraha, they were mostly localised and sporadic.
“The difference between (the) Mahad (Satyagraha) and them mainly lay in the organisation and leadership; they lacked in elements of organisation and the charismatic leadership of Dr Ambedkar,” Teltumbde mentions.
The Mahad Satyagraha was to become the blueprint for organising future movements against the caste system and its practices. It marked an important point in Ambedkar’s political journey, catapulting him to the leadership of the downtrodden and oppressed classes in the country.
On Sanskrit and Varn(a)
The Times of India, Apr 25 2016
By Murli Manohar Joshi
One of the lesser known aspects about Babasaheb are his views on Sanskrit. During my tenure as HRD minister, I had a chance to look at the Sanskrit commission report on Sanskrit as an official language. It stated that... “during the few stormy days of the Constituent Assembly's discussion of this question, the impasse was sought to be solved by proposing Sanskrit as the Rashtrabhasa; and the late Dr Ambedkar, was also reported to have favoured that proposal. ....“
The late LK Maitra, who moved amendment 310 A (1) in the assembly, stated that if Sanskrit was accepted, “all the jealousies, all this bitterness will vanish ....... There will not be the least feeling of domination or suppression of this or that“.
A news item from `The Sunday Hindustan Standard' dated 11 September, 1949, reported “India's law minister, Dr Ambedkar, is among those who have sponsored Sanskrit as the official language of the Indian Union.“ Questioned about this move, Dr Ambedkar told a PTI correspondent that evening, “What is wrong with Sanskrit?“ The news item further says that “an amendment seeking Sanskrit to be India's official language will be taken up by the Constituent Assembly when the question of official language is considered by the House....“
In fact, Babasaheb wanted the resolution to be passed but he had to withdraw it due to opposition from members like Sri BP Maurya, who later regretted his opposition in a letter dated 14 February, 2001, addressed to the director of NCERT: “Because of my inexperience, I opposed the resolution. Ultimately the idea of the resolution was dropped.“
The amendment tabled by Shri Maitra was unfortunately lost after an acrimonious debate and thus the efforts of Babasaheb to keep India linguistically united were frustrated. Dr Ambedkar's engagement with Sanskrit was inspired by his keen desire to find out the truth about Aryan invasion. For this, he studied sources like the Vedas and Zend-Avesta with an open and critical mind. Wrote Babasaheb, “This evidence from the Zend-Avesta as to the meaning of the word Varna leaves no doubt that it originally meant a class holding to a particular faith and it had nothing to do with colour or complexion. The conclusions that follow from the examination of the Western theory may now be summarised. They are: The Vedas do not know any such race as the Aryan race.
There is no evidence in the Vedas of any invasion of India by the Aryan race and its having conquered the Dasas and Dasyus supposed to be natives of India.
There is no evidence to show that the distinction between Aryans, Dasas and Dasyus was a racial distinction.The Vedas do not support the contention that the Aryans were different in colour from the Dasas and Dasyus.
“If anthropometry is a science which can be depended upon to determine the race of a people, then...the measurements establish that the Brahmin and the untouchables belong to the same race.“
Dr Ambedkar's conclusions are unambiguous, though unfortunately, these are ignored by those who profess to follow his ideas and more often than not are quite strident in using the racial theory he sought to demolish.
It does not mean that Babasaheb's efforts to reform Hindu society should be ignored. If he had the courage to propose Sanskrit as official language, he also had the courage to oppose the rotten caste system and other evil practices of Hindu society which in his opinion were serious hindrances in establishing a truly democratic India.
In this backdrop, the PM's efforts to create a nationwide network for transmitting Dr Ambedkar's teachings in totality to the young generation are praiseworthy.In my opinion the institutions of higher learning should evolve an appropriate strategy for the same.
Spelling of surname
Babasaheb spelt it as ‘Aambedkar’ in statute
UP governor Ram Naik has approved a bill to change the name of one of the biggest varsities in the state, Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar University in Agra, to ‘Aambedkar University’. The name change has been brought after the governor, who is also the chancellor of the varsity, discovered that the Dalit icon had signed his name in Hindi on the Constitution as ‘Aambedkar’. Members of the varsity administration said students from next year onwards will be issued marksheets mentioning ‘Dr. BR Aambedkar University’ as the institution’s name.
UP govt ensures ‘Ramji’ is part of Ambedkar’s name
‘Ramji’ will officially become the middle name of Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar in Uttar Pradesh.
The state government passed an order on Wednesday asking all departments and high court benches in Lucknow and Allahabad to replace the use of ‘Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar’ in documents and records with ‘Dr Bhimrao Ramji Aambedkar’, as signed by him on the pages of the Constitution.
The spelling of Ambedkar in English will remain unchanged, but the Hindi spelling will change so that his name is pronounced as ‘Aambedkar’.
Dr Lalji Prasad Nirmal, director of the Babasahib Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar Mahasabha, said the campaign had been initiated by governor Ram Naik in December 2017, who had written to the Prime Minister, the chief minister and also the mahasabha, expressing his concerns over the prevalent incorrect spelling of the man who drafted the Constitution of India.
“The main point is the way the name should be pronounced. While its English spelling is correct, the spelling will have to change in Hindi, as will the pronunciation. Ramji was his father’s name. As per common practice in Maharashtra, father’s name is used as a middle name for sons,” he said.
Jitendra Kumar, principal secretary, general administration department, has issued the direction. Taking cognizance of the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution, where Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar’s name is written as Dr Bhimrao Ramji Aambedkar, the state government has “directed that all records, documents related to the government will now have his correct name”, the direction stated.
Women
Dr Shreeya Bakshi , Ambedkar on women "Daily Excelsior" 14/4/2017
Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was born on April 14, 1891 in a Mahar caste in Maharashatra. He was a Law graduate and did his PhD from London University. Dr. Ambedkar is an outstanding example of what Antonio Gramsci called an ‘organic intellectual’, that is, one who represents and articulates the interests of an entire social class. He was the Chairman of Constitution Drafting committee of India. He always advocated the inclusion of downtrodden sections of the society. He was of the opinion that society should be studied from ‘the below’ which means that the marginal or downtrodden sections must be given due importance including dalits, women, tribals etc.
As Ambedkar joined the Indian political arena, the social reforms achieved an altogether new dimension. He was of the opinion that unless and until the downtrodden themselves came forward to fight their battle, no one else could alleviate their grievances. He impressed up on the people to understand their own state of affairs. Self awakening, self elevation, liberation etc. were the mantras which Ambedkar taught to the millions of dumb minds who were forced to live the lives of sub-human beings in India.
Ambedkar’s perception of women’s question, emphasized their right to education, equal treatment with men, right to property and involvement in the political process resembled the global feminists demand. The vision of Dr. Ambedkar about women is explicitly depicted in Indian Constitution. Dr. Ambedkar tried an adequate inclusion of women’s right in the political vocabulary and constitution of India. i.e., Article14 Equal rights and opportunities in political, economic and social spheres, Article 15 prohibits discrimination on the ground of sex, Article 15(3) enables affirmative discrimination in favour of women, Article 39 Equal means of livelihood and equal pay for equal work, Article 42 Human conditions of work and maternity relief, Article 51 (A) (C) Fundamental duties to renounce practices, derogatory to the dignity of women, Article 46 The state to promote with special care, the educational and economic interests of weaker section of people and to protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation, Article 47 The state to raise the level of nutrition and standard of living of its people and the improvement of public health and so on, Article 243D (3), 243T (3) & 243R (4) provides for allocation of seats in the Panchayati Raj System and many others. The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. He laid down the foundation of social justice and there can be no social justice without gender equality.
He encouraged women to organize themselves. In January 1928, a women’s association was founded in Bombay with Ramabai- Ambedkar’s wife, as its president. In the Kalram Temple Entry Satyagraha at Nasik in 1930, five hundred women participated and many of them were arrested along with men and were ill treated in jails. The encouragement of Dr. Ambedkar to empower women to speak boldly was seen when Radhabai Vadale addressed a press conference in 1931. She stressed “It is better to die a hundred times than live a life full of humiliation. We will sacrifice our lives but we will win our rights.”
The credit for this self – respect and firm determination of women goes to Ambedkar. He believed in the strength of women and their role in the process of social reform. The historic Mahad Satyagraha witnessed participation of three hundred women along with their male counterparts. Addressing another meeting of about 3000 women, he, very emphatically said, “I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress which women had achieved. Let every girl who marries stand by her husband, claim to be her husband’s friend and equal, and refuse to be his slave. I am sure if you follow this advice, you will bring honour and glory to yourselves.”
Dr. Ambedkar extensively studied the position of women and had thrown light on denial of rights to her. He stated that the consequences of purdah system on Muslim women were that it deprived her of mental and moral nourishment. Dr. Ambedkar wanted to free women from inhumane customs, rituals and superstitions and made the way for their liberation. He started involving women in the struggle, for eradication of caste systems and for upliftment of the underprivileged sections. He realized that this could not be achieved without liberating the women themselves. Impressed by the large gathering of women at women’s conference held at Nagpur on 20th July, 1942, he told women to be progressive and abolish traditionalism, ritualism and customary habits, which were detrimental to their progress.
Empowerment envelops developing and building capacities of individuals and communities to make them part of the main stream society. He stated “We shall see better days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education is persuaded side by side with female education…” So Ambedkar believed that education is the only mean by which societies could grow out of oppression to democratic participation and involvement. He put all his efforts to guarantee the educational opportunities without any discrimination to all the citizens of India.
The British rule abolished detestable practices like sati but passed several laws to protect customs and traditions of Hindus. Dr. Ambedkar who was an architect of Indian Constitution, provided strong constitutional safeguards to women. The Special Marriage Act sets four essential conditions for a valid marriage i.e, monogamy, sound mind, marriageable age and the parties should not be too closely related. Violent and forceful abortions and abortions without consent of women were fair crimes under section 313. The Hindu Succession Act gives male and female heirs almost equal rights to inheritance. Section 14 of this Act says that any property possessed by a female Hindu shall be held by her as full owner and not a limited owner.
He strongly advocated for family planning measures for women in Bombay Legislative Assembly. In 1942, being a Labour Minister of Executive Council of Governor General, he introduced a Maternity Benefit Bill. He provided several provisions in the constitution for protecting the welfare and civil rights of women.
He always honored women for their work and hardships. While addressing in conferences to women he could easily communicate with them as a homely person and conversation. He evoked women in the following words. “Never wear such clothes which will degrade our personality and character. Avoid wearing the jewellery on your body everywhere. It is not fair to make hole on nose and wear nath”. In this he condemned all the bad traditions, habits and ways of life which made life difficult and complex. And to the surprise, even the illiterate women followed his advice from the bottom of their heart. Dr. Babasaheb spent his life for the betterment of women even involved in bad practices and professionals like prostitutions. The greatest example of it was seen in Kamathipura. There was a person named David who was the mediator working in brothel. He left his profession persuaded by the thoughts and teachings of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. He evoked the entire prostitutes to give up their profession and lead the life of honour.
The most firm step took by him was the introduction of The Hindu Code Bill in 1948 which was revolutionary in confinement of proprietary rights to women but when not accepted by the Parliament. The Hindu Code Bill-the most formidable legislative measure of modern India, sought among other reforms, to put an end to a variety of marriage systems prevailing in India and legalize only monogamous marriages. The Code also sought to confer on women the right of property and adoption which had been denied by Manu. It put men and women on an equal level in all legal matters. Dr. Ambedkar said, “I should like draw attention of the house to one important fact. The great political philosopher Burke who wrote his great book against the French Revolution said that those who want to conserve must be ready to repair. And all I am asking this House is: If you want to maintain the Hindu system, Hindu culture and Hindu society, do not hesitate to repair where repair is necessary. This Bill asks for nothing more than to repair those parts of the Hindu system which have become dilapidated”. But when this Bill was not accepted and passed by parliament, Ambedkar resigned from his ministerial post. In his letter of resignation dated the 27 September, 1951 to the Prime Minister, he wrote “For a long time I have been thinking of resigning my seat from the Cabinet. The only thing that had held me back from giving effect to my intention was the hope that it would be possible to give effect to the Hindu Code Bill before the life of present Parliament came to an end. I even agreed to break up the bill and restricted it to Marriage and Divorce in the fond hope that atleast this much of our labour may bear fruit. But even that part of Bill had been killed. I see no purpose in my continuing to be a Member of your Cabinet”
In his last speech in Indian Parliament he quoted the famous thoughts of an Irish Patriot Daniel O Connal as, “No man can be grateful at the cost of his honour, no woman can be grateful at the cost of her chastity. And no nation can be grateful at the cost of his liberty.” In his famous book “Pakistan and partition of India” he expressed his views about Muslim women and their religious traditions, about wearing veil, their marriages and so on. Muslim women were suppressed under various religious traditions.
Towards all the women, irrespective of their religion, castes and class, Ambedkar had a particular humanitarianism view. He frequently raised his voice against all sorts of injustice towards women. His deep concerns and feelings for all round development of women are expressed from his each sentence and word. Thus, it would be appropriate to call him- a true feminist of independent India.
(The author is Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, Central University of Himachal Pradesh, HP.)
