Hindu priests
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The archak(a)
Role of archakas in a temple tradition
To understand the role of archakas, it is vital to have a clarity regarding the role of temple itself. For thousands of years, Hindu temples have been the centers of a village or town around which all important village/town activities like education, arts, science, economy and ecology flourished. Temples stood as best examples regarding how the mundane was considered only an extension of the sacred. To a Hindu, there is no artificial compartmentalization of the sacred and the mundane. To him, sacredness pervades everything, including the mundane. And a temple is the best example that demonstrates this Hindu worldview.
Unlike the Abrahamic religions, temples are not simple places for congregation of people for the purpose of prayers in Hinduism. Instead, temples are the very abode of the deities, who are invoked in the idols using complex and intricate ritual procedures and are requested to take residence in the temples. In other words, the Murti constitutes the body and the temple itself constitute the home of the deities. Hence, temples are sacred energy centers, which are pervaded by the energy of the deity.
The central role of a temple, then is to facilitate the access of the energy and the essence of a deity to common masses. Devotees go to the temple for a variety of reasons like seeking solutions to daily problems, seeking inner peace, or simply to be in the presence of the deity and meditate upon Him/Her. Irrespective of the reason, the devotee connects with the essence of the deity and taps into the spiritual energy present in the temple by the process of “Darshana”- Seeing the deity. This facilitating of the “Darshana” of the deity to the people constitutes the very purpose behind the existence of a temple. And to accomplish this purpose, it is very important to make sure that the sacred energy and the essence of the deity continues to pervade the confines of the temple and the temple remains spiritually conductive for such inhabitation of the deity.
It is to accomplish this all important sacred task, that an archaka is appointed to a temple. In other words, the archaka performs the most critical task in the functioning of a temple. It is his duty to not only invoke the deity, when the temples are consecrated for the first time, but also to perform daily worship by adhering to all stipulations laid out in the shastras, including maintaining a very high level of Shaucha (ritual purity at levels of body, prana, and mind). These daily worships are critical because they not only reinforce the essence of the deity residing in the temple, but also restore the sacred energy within the confines of the temple. The subtle energy within the temple decrease with time if they are not restored. Similarly, they are susceptible to imbalance due to mix up with different kinds of energy that people visiting the temple may bring with them. Daily worship properly performed by a competent archaka aims to rectify this by restoring the lost energy and reinforcing the essence of the deity using the power of Mantra and ritual. Thus, the function of the archaka within a temple is sacred and not mundane in nature. Therefore, the competency required to become an archaka must also be with respect to the sacred and not mundane.
Competencies required to be an archaka
Manu Smriti [1.88] says learning and teaching of scriptures, giving and receiving of charity and performance of Yajnas for oneself and for others are the duties of Brahmanas. Since, Puja is a tantric counterpart of Vedic Yajna and both involve complex and intricate rituals for invoking and worshipping the deity with many parallels among them, Manu’s instructions could well be understood as being applicable to Tantrika puja. That is, it is the Brahmanas, who are competent to perform worship for others i.e. act as archakas.
Now, to properly understand the purport of the above statement, we may have to digress a little into what actually does the term ‘Brahmana” imply.
Unlike the loose usage of the term “Brahmin”, mostly as a reference to a caste community, which have for generations identified themselves as “Brahmanas”, the term “Brahmana” itself found in the scriptures have a very specific and technical meaning, which is often missed in both theory and practice. In the scriptures, the term Brahmana, like other Varna designations, is understood as a reference to the Svabhava/inner temperament of an individual and the corresponding duties to which he becomes competent because of that inner temperament [Bhagavad Gita 4.13, 18.41. Bhagavata Purana 11.17.13]. There is also a recognition of the fact that this Svabhava of the individual is inherent in him/her right from the birth, because it is the prarabdha karma (the fruits of actions performed in past lives that has become ripen to give results), which determines a particular birth. It is this final aspect regarding Svabhava or Varna being inherent from birth due to prarabdha that has been most misunderstood as a reference to “birth into a family” [2] and in the past had in turn given rise to distortions in the form of Jati system based on birth into a family, which was later reformulated into rigid caste system by the British [3]. Towards this end, we need to make a difference between a person born into Brahmin caste and a person who is a Brahmana from Svabava (Varna) and Karma.
So, let us return back to the question, what does the term “Brahmana” imply and what makes one a Brahmana. From above, we gathered it is the Svabhava and Karma that makes one a Brahmana. Regarding the Svabhava of a Brahmana, Vajrasuchika Upanishad (verse 9) says he alone is Brahmana who has realized Brahman. Adi Shankaracharya in his commentary on Bhagavad Gita (18.41) says a Brahmana is one in whom there is a predominance of Sattva. Manu Smriti (2.87) says a Brahmana is one who befriends all. Bhagavada Purana (11.17.16-19), goes a step ahead and lists following qualities as defining a Brahmana: peacefulness, control of mind and senses, austerity, cleanliness, satisfaction, tolerance, simple straightforwardness, devotion to God, mercy, and truthfulness. Regarding the natural duties (Karma) that flow from Svabhava, we already say how Manu Smriti lists studying and teaching of scriptures, performance of Yajnas for oneself and others and giving and receiving charity as the duties of a Brahmana. Similarly, Bhagavad Gita (18.42) assigns: control of the internal and external organs, austerity, purity, forgiveness, straightforwardness, Jnana (Knowledge of the scriptures), Vijnana (experiential understanding of what is presented in the scriptures) and Astikyam (faith and conviction in God and scriptures and involves performance of proper worship and rituals) as the duties of Brahmana. Vadhula Smriti (verse 201) says the body of a Brahmana is not meant for enjoyment, but for great spiritual performing austerities. Kashinath Upadhyaya in his Dharma Sindhu says, one who is merely born in a Brahmin family, but is devoid of Vaidika Samskaras (Upanayana etc.) and does not practice study of Vedas and other duties, is an “Abrahmana” i.e. not a Brahmana. Similarly, he who is born in a Brahmin family and has undergone Vaidika Samskaras, but does not study Vedas and practice other duties, is designated as a Brahmanabruva i.e. Brahmana only in name.
In other words, only he who has Brahmana Svabhava i.e. inner temperaments listed above and who practices the Brahmana duties like study of Vedas, performance of Yajnas, worship etc. listed above, is to be considered as a Brahmana.
Non-Brahmin priests
The Mahabharat
Brahma Dev, an author, quotes the Mahabharata: "Neither. birth, ceremonies, learning, nor progeny are qualifications for brahminical status. Only brahminical conduct isthe basis for brahminical status." (Mahabharata, Anusasana Parva 143; quoted in "Foreign . Born Brahmins: Substance over Formality; http://www.shastras.org/).
Several non-Brahmins became-Brahmins
Compiled by London Swaminathan;
Post No.848 dated 18th February 2014
See what Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, a great scholar, philosopher and former President of India, says about non Brahmins becoming Brahmins:
“Caste divisions are based on individual temperament, which is not immutable. In the beginning there was only one caste. We were all Brahmins or Sudras. A Smriti text says that one is born a Sudra, and through purification he becomes a Brahmin. People were divided into different castes according to social needs and individual action.
The Brahmins are the priests. They should have neither property nor executive power. They are the seers who constitute the conscience of society.
The Kshatriyas are the administrators, whose principle is reverence for life.
The Vaisyas are traders and craftsmen, men of technical ability who aim at efficiency.
The routine workers, the proletariat are the Sudras.
They take no interest in their work as such, where they carry instructions and contribute only a fraction. They lead a life of innocent impulse and adopt traditional ways.
“Hinduism has a bewildering variety of racial elements at all levels of development. The four orders supersede the original racial elements. It is a classification based on social facts and psychology. The recognition of the spirit in man is the essential feature of Hindu religion, and in this respect all men are equal.
In the Mahabharata , we are told that the Yavanas (Greeks), the Kiratas, the Dardaras (Dards), the Chinas (Chinese), the Sakas (Scythians), the Pahlavas (Parthians), the Savaras (Pre Dravidian Tribes) and several other non Hindu peoples, belonged to the one or the other of the four classes. These foreign tribes were absorbed into the Hindu society.
“The great empire builders, the Nandas, the Mauryas and the Guptas were according to the orthodox view, low-born. The Gupta emperors married the Licchavis, who were regarded as Mlecchas.
The basis of the Varna dharma is that every human being must try to fulfil the law of his development.
Non Brahmins who became Brahmins:
“While it was the intention of the scheme to develop the requisite spirit and tradition in the members of the classes by a proper employment of the forces of heredity and education, it was not viewed in a rigid way. In special cases individuals and groups changed their social class.
Visvamitra, Ajamidha and Puramidha were admitted to the status of the Brahmin class, and even composed Vedic hymns.
Yaska in his Nirukta, tells us of two brothers Santanu and Devapi , one became a Kshatriya king and the other a Brahmin priest.
Kavasa, the son of a slave girl Ilusa, was ordained as a Brahmin priest at a sacrifice.
Janaka, a Kshatriyas by birth, attained the rank of a Brahmin by virtue of his ripe wisdom and saintly character.
The Bhagavatham tells us the elevation of the Kshatriya clan named Dhastru to Brahminhood.
Jatyutkarsa is provided for. Even though a Sudra, if you do good, you become a Brahmin. We are Brahmins not on account of birth or the performance of rites, not by study or family, but on account of our behaviour. Even if we are born Sudras, by good conduct we can raise ourselves to the highest status.
“The human being is always becoming. His essence is movement, not arrested movement. Megasthenes gives us a division different from the caste groupings. He puts the class of statesmen and officials at the top and hunters and jungle men as the sixth division.
Patanjali refers to Brahmin kings, and Manu to sudra rulers. There were Brahmin soldiers in the time of Alexander, as there are today.
“Manu’s unfortunate references to Sudras were perhaps motivated by his opposition to Buddhism. Manu limits the right to study the dharma sastras to Brahmins, while Sankara holds the members of all castes can read them.
A famous verse of Mahabharata makes out that we are all born Brahmins, and happen to belong to different classes on account of our conduct and occupation.
The Bhagavad Gita points out that there are only four Varnas based on natural aptitude and vocation, and two classes of persons, divine (Deva) and demoniac (Asura)”.
From the book Radhakrishnan Reader- An Anthology, published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.
King Baliraja’s wife was Sudeshna. Bali persuaded her to produce a son through Dirghatama. She had five sons named Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Pudrya and Suhya. Each of them started a separate dynasty and ruled over different parts. This anecdote describing how Kshatriyas kings were sometimes born of Brahmana fathers, was related by Bhishma to Satyavati to support his suggestion that a Brahman be invited to produce sons in the wives of Vichitravirya who had died childless (MB 1/104)
Yajur Veda prays for all the Four Castes:
“Give lustre to our Brahmanas
Give lustre to our Kingly men
Give lustre to our Vaisyas and Sudra” (Y.V. VS 18-48)
Buddha and Asoka on Brahmins:
Buddha has one full chapter on Brahmins in The Dhammapada. That was the last chapter, probably to emphasise their importance. He admired the ascetic virtues of the Brahmanas. Buddha talked about building a new type Brahminhood irrespective of one’s heredity.
Emperor Asoka showed respect to Brahmins by mentioning them first and then other sects like Sramans etc. in his edicts. (E.g Girnar Edict No-13).
Buddha had two Brahmin Teachers :
Gautama’s search led him to become the disciple of the Brahmin ascetics Aalaara Kaalaama and Uddlaka Raamaputta who instructed him in their own doctrine and discipline.
Brhad- aranyaka Upanishad
Knowing him, the atman, the Brahmins relinquish the desire for posterity, the desire for possessions, the desire for worldly prosperity and go forth as mendicants (bhikshacaryam caranti)iii-5
Brahmins in Ancient Tamil Nadu
There were two types of Brahmins in ancient Tamil Nadu, those who followed the Srutis (Vedas) and Smritis (Law Books) and others who did not follow the Vedic strictures. Prof. V R RAMACHANDRA DIKSHITAR in his commentary on The Cilappatikaram (Purancheri iruththa katai lines 37,38) adds the following details:
“A community of Brahmanas , but coming low in the social hierarchy. They are said to be ‘ambanavar’ who took to the profession of acting and dancing. As they did not pursue their swadharma society regarded them as inferior. The position which the Brahmanas held in the society in the age of the Cankam classics is clear. There was the Vedic Brahmana engaged in reading and teaching the Vedas and also in performing Vedic sacrifices. He evoked respect from every one. There was the laukika Brahmana who strayed from the prescribed path and took to professions other than those enjoined by the law of the land.
“In the Akananuru (24) we have the expression ‘velaparppan’ meaning Brahmana engaged in making bangles. Among the laukikas come the ‘ambanava’ also. The term ‘ur parppan’ in South Indian inscriptions is another reference to the laukika members of the Brahmana community. This only shows that in addition to the Vedic Brahmanas there also existed Brahmanas who took to worldly professions, and to whom society did not give the same status as that enjoyed by the Vedic Brahmanas”.
My comments: Nakkirar was a well known Tamil poet of Sangam Age. Though he was a Brahmin ,he did not follow the Brahminical customs. He was making bangles cut out of white Chanks (conches). When he questioned another poor Brahmin by name Dharumi in the Royal Court of Pandyas, Shiva himself came in support of the Brahmin poet. But Nakkirar challenged even Lord Shiva. When Shiva laughed at his challenge, he asked him “At least I belong to the sect of Bangle makers. You don’t even have a clan, or caste or creed.”
(Sangu Aruupathu Engal Kulam, Sankaranaarkku Ethu Kulam? In Tamil)
This shows that there were a s group of Brahmins doing other types of jobs. This historical incident was referred to in Thevaram by Appar and in Tiru Vilayatal Purana by Paranjothi.
Quotes from Katha Sarit Sagara (Largest Story Collection in the World)
On Brahmanas:--
Brahmanas are always soft hearted (Story of Vararuci)
Brahmanas can accomplish all things in the world by means of ceremonies in accordance with the scriptures (Story of Devasmita)
Brahmanas who live by chanting Samaveda are the home of timidity, boorishness and ill- temper (Story of Vidusaka)
Ancient Bihar temples
Arun Kumar, December 21, 2018: Hindustan Times
First Published: Dec 20, 2015
Much before the Supreme Court’s ruling that non-Brahmins can also be temple priests, nearly a dozen temples in Bihar has had non-Brahmins priests at its helm without any protests.
Ancient Bihar temples show the way with non-Brahmin priests
Much before the Supreme Court’s recent ruling that non-Brahmins can also be temple priests, nearly a dozen temples in Bihar has had non-Brahmins priests at its helm without any protests.
Much before the Supreme Court’s recent ruling that non-Brahmins can also be temple priests, nearly a dozen temples in Bihar has had non-Brahmins priests at its helm without any protests.
A living example is Patna’s over 300- year- old Mahavir Mandir, which has a Dalit priest, Suryavanshi Falahari Das, at its helm.
Das, who assumed the responsibility in 1993 in the presence of eminent religious leaders, is the oldest among the temple priests and commands tremendous respect.
There are several other temples and mutts, which have had a smooth transition in the last couple of decades. “It is a testimony to Bihar’s tolerant and all-inclusive fabric that it all happened quietly and with the support of the local community. There was no discrimination, as they were all as capable as any other priest. We also plan to start an institution for religious rituals in Hajipur, where anyone interested can get enrolled,” said Acharya Kishore Kunal, president of the Bihar state board of religious trust.
Kunal has written a 2,200page book ‘Dalit Devo Bhava’ on Dalit priests in three parts. The first two parts of which have been published by Publications Division, government of India, while the third part will be published soon.
“The book states that people from all castes and groups have the right to be appointed as priests or mahants. In fact, many important temples were established by Dalits,” he added.
Citing the example of a temple in Sitamadhi (Nawada), he said, people believe that Sita of Ramayana spent time there during her forest stay and also gave birth to Lav and Kush. “Here almost all caste groups have their temples and scheduled caste and backwards are a majority here,” he added.
In Dhaneshwar Nath Mahadeo temple in Simaria, he said, people of Kumhar (potter) community are made priests and pandas.
“The temple is quite similar to the Baidyanath Dham temple and also has a Shiv Ganga adjacent to it. It was by built by Raja Pratap Singh of Gidhaur,” he said.
Gorakhnath Math: 11th century tradition
The Gorakhnath Math in Gorakhpur, where Yogi Adityanath is mahant or chief priest, traces its origin to the 11th century monk Guru Gorakshnath, a yogi of the Nath Sampradaya -a Shaivite tradition within Hinduism. The Naths, in turn, attribute their origin to Dattatreya, the little-known single embodiment of the trinity of Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesh.
Interestingly, Dattatreya and his followers were believed to inhabit the Girnar forest in modern-day Gujarat.Among Dattatreya's disciples was Matsayendranath, the preceptor of Gorakshnath -the latter's revolutionary contribution to his times was simplifying the Upanishadic teachings. He gave the Shabar Mantra -a pledge to Lord Shiva -to the common people, making no distinction of caste or communal identity . In mythological terms, Gorakshnath's following was akin to Lord Shiva's baraat that included every living being.
In time, the Gorakshnath (literally, protector of cow) Shaktipeeth emerged as an egalitarian construct where, to this day , the festival of Makar Sankranti is observed with distribution of khichdi to people of all castes, religions and faiths. It's a centuries-old tradition.
Today's Gorakhnath Math is a religious and political institution that runs two temp les, one in Nepal and the other south of Gorakhpur that's said to contain the samadhi -a yogi's final resting place -of Guru Gorakshnath.
Because the monastic order, according to the principles of Gorakshnath, does not follow caste rules as other Hindu religious denominations do, non-Brahmins have served as its temple priests.Yogi Adityanath is a Thakur.
The Math has been a hub of politics for decades. Mahant Digvijay Nath was a Congress member in 1921. He was arrested for “actively participating“ in the Chauri Chaura incident in which protesters clashed with cops.
After Independence, Digvijay was arrested for incendiary speeches against Gandhi before his assassination.He later led the Ram Janmabhoomi movement of 1949.
==Tamil Nadu’s Tambirans, Pusari In southern parts of TN,there are some maths run by non-brahmin sanyasis called Tambiran. There are temples in TN; where non-brahmin priests (called in Tamil language as Pusari) perform the pujas; especially in goddess temples
(By Iyer Venkatakrishnan of Nashik)
Mahima Alekha of Odisha/ 1800s
Lidia GUZY | From Non-Brahmin Priests of the Goddess to Ascetics of God Mahima Alekha
The main protagonists of the religion [Mahima Dharma a contemporary vernacular ascetic religion of Odisha ], the ascetics (babas), [are] non-Brahmin priests, [who] have incorporated shakti, the power of local goddesses into their disciplined bodies and in doing so have transformed the feminine element of the Hindu belief into the belief of the indescribable and abstract god Alekha. Mahima Dharma is seen in this contribution as a sort of micro structure on the one hand of popular asceticism in rural India and on the other hand as a recent religious reform movement integrating local non-Brahmin priesthood and the local belief in goddesses into the mainstream of the male Hindu pantheon. Mahima Dharma has existed in Odisha for more than one hundred years. The ascetic tradition is known for its two monk brotherhoods, the Balkaldhari and the Kaupindhari, and for its diversified lay groups. As a monastic organisation, Mahima Dharma is primarily dispersed throughout central Odisha (Dhenkanal). Its monastic centre is the holy city of Joranda, Central Odisha, where the majority of the most senior ascetics (abadhuta samnyasin) … The founder of the religion, Mahima Gosvami, who lived at the beginning of the 19th century. His origin is unknown, but for his devotees, Mahima Gosvami is considered to have been the incarnation of Mahima Alekh.
The followers of Mahima Dharma belong mostly to the rural nonBrahmin population that consists of both wealthier peasants and marginalised social strata… (Scheduled Castes) and tribal (Scheduled Tribes) groups/categories. In recent times especially, the Mahima Dharma religion proselytised among tribal converts in Southern Odisha (Eschmann 1975, 9-22; ibid 1986, 386-387; T.R.B. 1968-9; Guzy 2002a). Mahima Dharma has established diverse local religious features within its ascetic doctrine in the East Indian region Odisha. In Central Odisha (Dhenkanal) Mahima Dharma has grown from a subaltern reform movement (Dube 1999, 2001) into a powerful landowning ascetic religious formation (sampradaya) 4. The monastic organisation in Central Odisha is often connected with local ruling elites who provide for the ascetics (babas). In Dhenkanal, the asceticism of Mahima Dharma reflects the patronage system between local leaders and ascetics. Politics on a rural level operate in Central Odisha within the idiom of patrons in relation to ascetics. By sponsoring the holy men, rituals as well as the places of worship, worldly patrons gain religious benefits and the moral reconfirmation of being a good ruler (Guzy 2003, 211-229).
Karnataka: Lord Shani temples
There are many temples where the archakas are not Brahmins. Most temples dedicated to Lord Shani that I have noticed in Mysore, for example, are maintained by non-Brahmin archakas. Many temples belonging to local deities are also maintained by local communities with archakas coming from the same community. So, if we take into account the entirety of temple system and not just government controlled temples, we find archakas from different communities, though Brahmin archakas may still be in majority. (Nithin Sridhar @nkgrock)
Narayanan, Vasudha (2005) "Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 18, Article 8. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1341
Members of the Sri Vaishnava
sampradaya or tradition who belong to a
Scheduled Caste (the bureaucratic name for
those who were considered to be "outcaste")
community and residing in
Gowthamapurarh, Bangalore, recite the
Tiruvaymoli which they consider to be the
Tamil Veda. The Sri Vaishnava community
has held the Tiruvaymoli of the ninth
century poet, Nammalvar, to be equivalent
to the Sanskrit Vedas. The Sri Vaishnava
community has members of all castes and all
hold the Tiruvaymoli to be very sacred. The
men who live near the Nammalvar sannidhi
("Nammalvar shrine") in Gowthamapuram,
Bangalore believe that if they can say the
Tamil Veda, they have the authority to say
the Sanskrit Veda. To do this, they need a
sacred thread, and many of the men in this
community had received it (Narayanan
1984). Men and women of this community
not only recite but teach the Tamil and short
sections of the Sanskrit Vedas though they
do not recite the Gayatri mantra regularly.
Do they call themselves Brahmins or
priests? No. But they do believe that in
reciting the Vedas, they have assumed at
least one of the functions associated with
male Brahminhood.
Chhakkubakku Bhagwati, Nepal: An SC woman priest/ 2009
Dalit woman priest works silent revolution in Nepal | IANS
Sukmaya Rokaya is working a silent but real
revolution.
The 43-year-old is the priest at the Chhakkubakku Bhagwati temple in
the busy Baneshwor area of the capital, hemmed by shops and
pavement stalls. Besides being a woman, she is also a Dalit.
The mother of four comes from the Sarki clan who were originally
cobblers.
Before her marriage at the age of 18, [her mother-in-law] Chauki Rokaya, was working as the cleaner at the Chhakkubakku Bhagwati temple, the 7th century shrine of a Hindu goddess said to
have been built by king Narendra Deva of the same Lichhavi dynasty
that produced Indian emperor Chandragupta Maurya.
As the illiterate but hardworking Rokaya slowly took up the chores of
her mother-in-law, her dedication won the esteem of the president of
the temple preservation committee, Shyam Prasad Aryal.
"I would come to the temple early morning every day and it would be
sparkling," said the 64-year-old Brahmin.
"I was impressed with her dedication. I thought, we have so many
Brahmins who violate their calling and yet are regarded as upper
castes; and yet, this woman, whose diligence outrivals many others, is
being treated as an outcast."
"So many Europeans are beef eaters. And yet we court them. But we
are ostracising this woman because her ancestors were forced to live
on dead cows for survival," Aryal told IANS.
Aryal had the revolutionary thought of asking Rokaya to start
officiating as the priest, doing the simple things that did not need
learning.
"I clean the temple and worship the deity in a simple way, offering
flowers," says Rokaya. "I don't chant mantras because I don't know
any. At night, I also do the aarti (worship with lamps) before the
deity."
"I go to her house regularly," says Aryal. "I eat the food she offers me. I don't see any stigma in it."
Chhakkubakku Bhagwati is said to be the sister of power goddess Bhuvaneswari, who has her temple on the grounds of the revered Pashupatinath shrine in Kathmandu.
Pandharpur temple: Women, non-Brahmin priests/ 2014
Called the Southern Kashi of India, the famous Vitthal Rukhmini temple in Pandharpur, Maharashtra, is set to break a centuries-old tradition as it prepares to appoint its first-ever non-Brahmin and women priests.
The decision to appoint non-Brahmins and women as priests was taken by the Vitthal Rukhmini Mandir Samiti (VRMS) earlier this month, following a Supreme Court judgment in January. The SC ended the monopoly of the Badave and Utpat families who had claimed exclusive ancestral rights over the earnings and rituals at the temple in a four-decade-old litigation.
"This is the first such initiative taken by any temple trust in the country to break the centuries-old monopoly of the Brahmins over the temple puja and other rituals. We invited applications from interested priests (of other communities) and conducted the interviews last Sunday," Anna Dange, head of the VRMS, told Firstpost.
Dange added that the appointments of new priests would be announced at a committee meeting to be held on June 9.
The Vitthal Rukhmini Mandir is located in Pandharpur taluka of Solapur district in Western Maharashtra, around 350 km from Mumbai. The temple, which is the 'kuldaivat' or family deity of the Maharashtra state establishment, hosts the idol of Lord Vithoba, an incarnation of Lord Krishna, and his consort Rukmini.
Sanjay Teli, chief executive officer of the Vitthal Rukhmini Mandir Samiti, said it received 199 applications for the posts of priests . The applicants include non-Bramhins such as Marathas, Dalits, Malis and those from other communities too, as well as a handful of women. "Of 199, 129 appeared for the interview held on Sunday. Now, the selection committee that conducted the interviews will submit its report to the Mandir Samiti. The Samiti will then take a final decision about the new priests," Teli told Firstpost.
He added that the new priests would have knowledge of Vedic rites. They will be appointed on a contractual basis.
According to Teli, there are 19 priests in the temple to carry out daily puja and other rituals. "But, we need 10-12 priests as many have left following the SC judgment. Apart from Vitthal and Rukhmini, other deities in the temple area will also be taken over by the Mandir Samiti," Teli said adding that the women priests will be entrusted the work of conducting the puja and other rituals for the Rukhmini idol.
The temple is the main centre of worship of the Warkari community, which has a huge social and political significance in Maharashtra, Karnataka and other parts of the country. Over 10 lakh devotees referred to as Warkaris visit the temple on the occasions of Aashadhi and Kartiki Ekadashi every year.
Interestingly, the Warkari community does not believe in caste-based discrimination. However, entry to the temple was not allowed to untouchables until 1950 despite the fact that a large number of saints in Maharashtra belong to Dalit and other communities. The untouchables were allowed to enter the temple after social reformer Sane Guruji protested the policy.
Yet, while the Warkari community welcomed the move, it demanded that 'tradition' not be changed. "Though it is good decision, the tradition on the rituals should not changed. The Mandir Samiti should adhere to the rituals strictly. It should should also convene a meeting of the Warkari community," said Shyamsunder Sonnar, president of the Warkari Seva Pratisthan.
Travancore Devaswom follows quota norms / 2017
The Travancore Devaswom Board released the list of 62 candidates. They were chosen after a process of tests and interviews.
Of the 62 people shortlisted by the Travancore Devaswom (Temple) Recruitment Board for appointment as temple priests, 36 are from Dalit and backward communities. This is the first time in Kerala that appointment of temple priests is being done according to the reservation norms that are followed for recruitment of government staff.
The Travancore Devaswom Board released the list of 62 candidates on Thursday. They were chosen after a process of tests and interviews.
The total reservation for SC/ST and OBC categories is 32 per cent. However, as many as 36 persons from backward communities were selected as some of them made it to the merit list as well. These candidates will now be appointed in temples under the Travancore Devaswom Board.
Board chairman Rajagopalan Nair said this was the first time that SC/ST and backward communities were being given reservation in recruitment of priests.
“Earlier, we had some priests from backward communities who made it to the list through merit. The Travancore Devaswom Board came into existence in 1949 and the demand for reservation for Dalits in appointment of priests has been persisting for several decades. Previous attempts to meet the demand had faced stiff resistance from certain quarters. But now we have made it a reality,’’ Nair said.
He said the recruitment was done as per the procedures followed by the Public Service Commission, the state government recruitment agency. The present list of candidates was for appointment in temples under the Travancore Devaswom Board according to the demand. In future, priests in other devaswom boards, particularly Cochin and Malabar, will be done in the same manner, said Nair.
Travancore Devaswom Board president Prayar Gopalakrishnan said recruitment of priests from Dalit and backward segments was very significant. “The board will appoint priests only from the list recommended by the recruitment board,” he said.
Gopalakrishnan said there was a petition pending in the high court seeking appointment of Dalit priests in Sabarimala Ayyappa temple, which is under the board. “As per the existing norms, only Brahmins can be appointed in Sabarimala. The board will go with the court’s direction in this regard,’’ he said.
Madurai’s Thallakulam Aiyappan temple/ 2018
The Supreme Court in 2015 had allowed members of all castes to become priests in all public temples in the state.
Swaraj attended the Informal Meeting of the SAARC Council of Ministers held here on the margins of the 73rd UN General Assembly and chaired by Foreign Minister of Nepal Pradeep Kumar Gyawali.
After making her statement, she left the meeting early, prompting criticism from Qureshi who later told reporters, "no I didn't have any talk with her (Swaraj). On the positive gesture, I can say she left the meeting mid-way, may be she was not feeling well".
Indian diplomatic sources told PTI that it was quite normal in a multilateral meeting to leave early after one has delivered the country's statement. The sources said that Swaraj was not the first minister to leave the meeting as her counterparts from Afghanistan and Bangladesh had also left before her.
They added that Swaraj had other engagements as well and Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale was present throughout the SAARC meeting. Swaraj and Qureshi were slated to meet on the sidelines of the General Assembly session.
However, India called off the meeting last week, citing the brutal killings of three policemen in Jammu and Kashmir and Islamabad releasing postage stamps "glorifying" slain Kashmiri militant Burhan Wani. Qureshi said he saw that there was this thinking in the meeting that "if we have to achieve something from this forum we have to move forward".
"What is the way to move forward. We have to decide the next step - I have no hesitation in saying that in the way of SAARC's progress and success and in the region's connectivity and prosperity, there is only one obstacle and one attitude.
"The attitude of one nation is making the spirit of SAARC and the spirit of the founding fathers of SAARC unfulfilled and unsuccessful," he said, in a veiled reference to India. He said that he heard the Indian Minister's remarks at the meeting "very carefully".
"She talked about regional cooperation. My question is how will regional cooperation be possible when the region's nations are ready to sit together and you are the obstacle in that dialogue and discussion," he said.
Qureshi said he judged from the SAARC meeting that most of the members present there understand the significance and value of the grouping. "They want to move on. I can't speak for them but I can deduce from their body language disappointment because if you do not move and if you do not sit and convene meetings how do you move on. You are talking of SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area), you are talking of regional trade, how do you have regional trade when you are unwilling to sit and talk. When you fail to agree on a date for a summit where is regional trade going," he said.
He cited other regional blocs like ASEAN and the EU and said "look at this (SAARC) atmosphere". India had boycotted the 2016 SAARC summit citing Islamabad's unrelenting support to terrorist activities in India and and after Pakistan-based terrorists attacked an Indian Army base in Uri in Jammu and Kashmir. Bhutan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan had also joined India in boycotting the summit.
Qureshi called the Foreign Secretary's comments, made after Swaraj had left, as a "very vague statement". "You say the next summit will not happen until there is conducive environment. How do you define what conducive environment is? It can vary from country to country. It can vary from person to person. On the basis of an imaginary thing, you are becoming an obstacle in the way of the entire region and its prosperity," he said.
Qureshi added that 1.78 billion plus people of the SAARC grouping have to ask in whose hands their fate and future are being kept as a mortgage. On Qureshi's remarks that India is an obstacle in SAARC's prosperity and regional connectivity, the Indian diplomatic sources said the answer to this was in Swaraj's statement.
In her statement, Swaraj voiced India's commitment to regional cooperation, saying it attaches highest priority to the development and prosperity of the region, under the government's 'Neighbourhood First' policy.
"Development of seamless physical connectivity is key for achieving regional growth, employment and prosperity," she said. SAARC summits are usually held biennially. The member-state hosting the summit assumes the Chair of the association. The last SAARC Summit in 2014 was held in Kathmandu, which was attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Tamil Nadu
2021
Mugilan Chandrakumar, August 14, 2021: The Times of India
Chennai: Tamil Nadu government appointment 58 people from other castes who finished training as priests in the temples which come under Tamil Nadu Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowment.
Though the government order for appointing people who are fully trained as priests from other castes was passed in 2006, so far only 2 were appointed as priests due to legal stay until 2015.
As promised in the election promise made by the DMK in 2021 elections, on Saturday the Chief Minister MK Stalin handed over appointment orders for 58 from various communities who finished training to become priests.
In 58 the who are appointed today, 24 were trained in Government run pathashala's and 34 from private pathashala's. In the 58 who were appointed today, 5 from schedule classes,6 from Most Backward Classes, 12 from Backward Classes and 1 from the general category. Along with this, appointments for 138 other people who will work in temples at different levels were also given.
This appointments are made in line with the HR&CE departments latest announcement of performing Pooja's in Tamil at the temples in the State and it has been already started at few important temples in the State and the priests who were given appointment orders today will be used for performing pooja's in Tamil.
Welcoming the decision pontiff Kundrakudi Ponnambala Adigalar said it is the will of the great saints like Appar and Ramanujan that anyone can become a priest in temple without any differences.
Hindu religious and charitable endowment under the DMK Government also have announced that the HR&CE department will also train women who come forward to take up training to become priest in the temples in Tamil Nadu.
Women priests
Lala Devraj (late 19th century)
Narayanan, Vasudha (2005) "Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 18, Article 8. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1341
Since the late nineteenth century, however, initially through the work of the Arya Samaj leader Lala Devraj, and later through _ many groups in Maharashtra, women are trained to function as "priests." They recite the Vedas and conduct Vedic sacrifices. The Kanya Kumari Sthan founded by Upasani Baba in 1932 in Sakori (Ahmednagar district) trains women not just to be priests but encourages them to live an ascetic life. The Shanker Seva Samiti (which had organized the upanayana ceremony for the young girls) apparently began training women as priests about 25 years ago, in the Ahmednagar district. About 10,000 women are now said to be qualified priests, and according to -at least one report, many "are even more popular in the community than their male - counterparts because of their enthusiasm, concentration a:nd devotion in doing worship." (Manjul 2000) Inspired by this group, Shankar Rao Thatte, a (male) Sanskrit scholar, started a new organization called Udyan Mangal Karyalaya in 1975 in the city of Pune, Maharahstra. The school teaches women of all castes and in all stations of life (unmarried or married), both to recite the Vedas and to perform Vedic rituals. From women composers of Vedic hymns, it has taken a full 3500 years to arrive at women reciters of Vedic hymns.
Melmaruvathur/ 1970s
Narayanan, Vasudha (2005) "Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 18, Article 8. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1341
Women
priests, again belonging to all castes, are
seen in the large Melmaruvathur temple
dedicated to the Goddess Para Shakti. This
temple is about 50 miles south of Chennai; it
was not built until the 1970s and became
popular only a decade later. Thousands of
pilgrims can be seen on National Highway #
47 going south from the city of Madras/
Chennai to visit this temple. Some walk,
some come here in special chartered buses,
others come in the back of trucks.
Worship, like the deity here, is new
and innovative. Male Brahmin priests do
not do the ritual worship in this temple.
Rather, we have dozens of women, all of
whom belong to spiritual fellowships or
associations (Tamil: manrams) who rotate in
and out approximately every three months
and serve as "priests." The temple websites
ask devotees to form an association
(mandram) if they get a small group together
in any part of the world. With increasing
numbers they can form a "sacred site" or a
"peetam" (Sanskrit: pitha) directly affiliated
with the temple. These associations are
from all over the state, and they take turns
volunteering and conducting the rituals in
the. temple. Many of them are from the
lower economic classes, many of them have
barely pas~ed high school. They are strong,
determined women, who serve the Goddess
Adi Para Shakti in a strong, determined
manner, Menstruating women are not
barred from serving the Goddess. This
system was not initiated by the women but
by Bangaru Adigalar, a male (non-Brahmin)
devotee, who is also seen as a vehicle for
"amma" or the Goddess .. He is sometimes
identified with the Goddess and is credited.
with institutionalizing the ,system of having
the women priests. Hundreds of thousands
of pilgrims pass here every month to have
darshan of the Goddess. As they line up for
the darshan, the women volunteers also keep
the pilgrims moving and address them -- the
pilgrims -- as "shakti." All pilgrims, men
and women are addressed as "shakti," the
cosmic, primordial power of the universe,
the appellation of the Goddess herself.
All the pilgrims who visit here wear
red clothing, to show their equality with
each other. The red clothes that devotees
wear is said to signify that despite
differences in skin color, the color of blood
is common to all human beings, and that in
front of her, all devotees are equal. The
Goddess is reported to have said:
Amma's devotees wear red clothes
which signify the red colour of the
blood that flows within the body of all
human beings of whatever ethnicity:
white, black or brown thereby
emphasizing that the world at large
belongs to one community (Natarajan:
73).
The devotees frequently say that the rule of the temple is "One Mother, One family," ("Ore Thai and Ore Kulam") implying that all of humanity is of one class (Moorthy 1986: 19). The temple is overtly "feminist" in that it insists on equality between men and women. Contrary to the practice of many Hindu temples, by the apparent decree of the Goddess, it seems to be pro-active in not discriminating on the basis of gender or caste:
A total variance of the Agama [a set of Sanskrit sacred texts] doctrine marks the shrine that has neither the lanky Rajagopurams [towers] nor archaic Sastram [texts]. ... And Surprise! Surprise! -- instead of pigtail priests fleecing gullible visitors, one finds volunteers in red garb belonging to temple-affiliates called Manrams strewn around the world to take care of worship, service, sanctity and decorum of a squeaky clean shrine. Ladies, who for eons were forbidden by sacraments, are now allowed to enter the sanctom (sic) sanctorum, touch the Goddess and even perform Archanai [worship] (Magnificent Miracles: 13).
Contrary to the practice of traditional Hindu temples, menstruating women also visit the temple and pray here regularly. Widows, who were traditionally discriminated against in Brahmanical societies, are encouraged to participate in Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions 27 rituals, and there are vocational trammg institutions for them. The Goddess seems to have explicitly insisted on equality.
According to one devotee, the Goddess is said / to have incarnated as Adigalar, for the "upliftment of women" (Natarajan: 72). All devotees who visit the temple are addressed as "Shakti," implying that all human beings have divinity within them. The Goddess is said to have also instituted new pilgrimage and worship rituals specifically for women, and these take place three times a year. In recent years, the movement has gone upscale and there are frequent visits of the leaders to various European, Australian; and American cities. (Pictures of these visits can be seen on web sites if one logs on to http://www.omsakthi.org/news/2004/ 04072 7 .html)
Indrani, Trindad; "Pandita" Nanackchand, S.Africa/ 1990s
Narayanan, Vasudha (2005) "Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 18, Article 8. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1341
Indrani Rampersad in
Trindad and the 74 year old "Pandita"
Nanackchand in South Africa were initiated
into priesthood were reported with
approval, in 1994 and 1998. Both women
had been initiated by the Arya Samaj and the
events had been attended by several political
and social dignitaries.
Akka Mahadevi, 12th century/ Mate Mahadevi/ 20th century
Narayanan, Vasudha (2005) "Gender and Priesthood in the Hindu Traditions," Journal of Hindu-Christian Studies: Vol. 18, Article 8. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1341
Mate Mahadevi in
the Virasaiva sampradaya of Kamataka, who
is considered to be a teacher in a hallowed
lineage of preceptors.
Akka Mahadevi, (circa 12 century), a well known woman poet, serves as the . model for Mate Mahadevi ("The Great Mother Goddess") who was born in the state of Kamataka on March 13th, 1946. Named Ratnamma when she was born, she graduated from college with a degree in science. At this time she decided to become an ascetic. A devotee writes: She is perhaps the first woman in history who has ascended the pontifical seat of a Jagadguru ["world-teacher;" a title given to abbots of some traditional monasteries and lines of ascetics] so far reserved for men. . ... Undaunted by criticism from several quarters .... is her ascent of a Jagadguru Pitha [seat of a monastic leader], founded by her revered Guru, Sri Lingananda Swamiji, as a challenge to show that a woman is as well qualified to become a Guru and entitled to sit on the pontifical seat of a Jagadguru as her right. (S.R. Gunjal, "Authoress: A Brief Sketch." Pamphlet dated 17 December 1973. There is no publication information, but is written by S~R. Gunjal, Deputy Librarian of the Kamatak University, Dharwar, Kamataka.)
Mate Mahadevi met her (male) teacher Lingananda Swamiji and received her first initiation ("ishta linga initiation") in 1965. Following this initiation she started composing and writing va canas ("sayings") like those of Basava, the twelfth century founder of the Lingayat community and contemporary of Akka Mahadevi, the woman poet. It was soon after this that "having a divine revelation of Akka Mahadevi's presence, her spiritual model, [that] she was transported with joy and charged with an irresistible energy and power. On 5th April 1966' she got her Jangama [ascetic] initiation." ( Gunjal, "Authoress.") When she was installed as the monastic leader (jagadguru) the Samyukta Karnatak, a daily newspaper, wrote in its editorial: "Today has started a new era in the fields of religion and society, with the installation of Her Holiness Mata Mahadevi as the first woman Jagadguru to a pontifical seat, which up till now was reserved for men." (Samyukta Karnatak, 21 April, 1980.) For some people in the community, it was almost like having the first woman pope.
Akka Mahadevi, the twelfth century poet, has served as a role model for and has been reappropriated by a twentieth century seeker and reformer. But Mate Mahadevi has also proved to be a scholar and an institutional leader. As of 1973, Mate Mahadevi had already published twenty books on her own and had started an educational and religious institution called Jaganmata Akka Mahadevi Ashrama ("The Hermitage of the World-Mother Akka Mahadevi") at Dharwar, Kamataka, for training and guidance of "spiritual seekers, especially girls and women, dedicated to the cause of women's upliftment and propagation of religious' ideals."(Gunjal, "Authoress. ") Her books include Basava Tatva Darshana in which she discusses the life and philosophy of the philosopherreformer Basava in 860 pages. ,Mystic, writer, scholar; institutional leader, and reformer, she has been hailed as a "revolutionary religious leader, revitalising religion" by Prajavani Daily, a local newspaper. . . (Publicity pamphlet called "Here is what news media .reports on Mataji," distributed in Pittsburgh in the mid 1970s.).
Karve’s mission in Mohopada
101-Yr-Old Has Trained Over 150 Women
One man, a century old. An education in Sanskrit. A hundred and fifty non-Brahmin women. Eighteen years, and a conviction: “God doesn’t believe in caste and gender”.
It took a 101-year-old just 18 years, working on and with non-Brahmin women, to trigger a silent revolution, however slow, that is empowering both women and their society barely 60km from Mumbai.
Retired teacher Rameshwar Karve from Alibaug has been teaching Sanskrit to more than 150 women in and around Mohopada, a tiny village in Raigad district, for almost two decades, training them to become certified priests. The first puja they conduct is at Ganeshotsav in their own homes.
The women have braved name-calling, taunts and patronising attitudes, but are now increasingly being invited to conduct pujas in Mumbai, Thane and Navi Mumbai to commemorate births, deaths and everything in between. They have solemnised marriages, conducted thread ceremonies and even performed the Shani Shanti puja, strictly a male domain, in a Mumbai home. It’s groundshifting activity, given that barely two years ago, women’s groups had to agitate to be allowed inside the Shani Shingnapur temple in Ahmednagar.
The women credit their achievements to Karve, a master of Sanskrit Shastri, a course equivalent to a BEd.
WINDS OF CHANGE
‘Priests booed us, today we perform puja in same temple’
Karve’s daughter Vasanti Deo said her father, who runs more than five schools in Maharashtra’s Raigad district, has always focused on “making education, especially Sanskrit, accessible to non-Brahmins”.
All of them completed a six-month correspondence course that the non-profit Samskrita Bharati runs. Students ignored those who said chanting shlokas when menstruating would invite divine punishment. “Do we stop sending daughters to school during periods? No, right? These classes were like school for us.” said Naina Koli, adding, “We were booed by local priests, but today confidently stand in the same temple and perform pujas.”
Karve’s first challenge was to convince the women. “Learning Sanskrit years after I quit college was very hard. I would make excuses of house-work... so as not to miss
our classes. But guruji persisted,” said Surekha Patil (54), one of the first few to start learning Sanskrit in 2000.
In the early days, attrition rate was high. “He would get us munchies to keep us coming to class. He treated us like nursery students and poured his soul into teaching us,” said Bharti Mhatre (47). “He would never give us homework and ensured our responsibilities towards our families were not compromised because of the study,” said Madhuri Kawade (62).
It’s a long way yet for real change. “Even today when we go to people’s homes to perform pujas we hear stray comments whether we know the rituals, if we recite mantras properly. We simply smile and continue our work,” said Dalvi. “Many relatives asked me why I sent my daughter and daughter-in-law to the class. I would just nod and tell my daughters to continue their lessons. God doesn’t believe in caste and gender,” 77-yearold said Dattatrey Raut.
See also
Hindu priests
