Mewar 18: Amra mounts the throne
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Mewar 18: Amra mounts the throne
Rana Amar Singh I., a.d. 1597-1620
Of the seventeen sons of Partap, Amra, who succeeded him, was the eldest. From the early age of eight to the hour of his parent's death, he had been his constant companion and the partner of his toils and dangers. Initiated by his noble sire in every act of mountain strife, familiar with its perils, he entered on his career 1 in the very floAver of manhood, already attended by sons able to maintain whatever his sword might recover of his patrimony. Akbar, the greatest foe of Mewar, survived Partap nearly eight years .2 The vast field in which he had to exert the re sources of his mind, necessarily withdrew him from a scene where even success ill repaid the sacrifices made to attain it. Amra was left in perfect repose during the remainder of this monarch's life, which it was not wisdom to disturb by the renewal of a contest against the colossal power of the Mogul. An extended reign of more than half a century permitted Akbar to consolidate the vast empire he had erected, and to model the form of his [351] government, which displays, as handed down by Abu-1 Fazl, an incontestable proof of his genius as well as of his natural beneficence. Nor would the Mogul lose, on being contrasted with the contemporary princes of Europe : with Henry IV. of France, who, like himself, ascended a throne weakened by dis sension ; with Charles V., alike aspiring to universal sway : or the glorious queen of our own isle, who made advances to Akbar and sent him an embassy.3 Akbar was fortunate as either Henry
1 S. 1653, A.D. 1597. 2 [It has now been established by Mr. V. A. Smith that Akbar died on October 17, O.S., October 27, N.S., 1605 {lA, xliv. November 1915).] 3 The embassy under Sir Thomas Roe was prepared by EHzabeth, but did not proceed till the accession of James. He arrived just as Mewar had bent her head to the Mogul yoke, and speaks of the Rajput prince Karan, whom he saw at court as a hostage for the treaty, with admiration. [The embassy was in India from 1615 to 1619. Roe's Journal has been edited by W. Foster, Hakluyt Society, 1899.] or Elizabeth in the choice of his ministers. The lofty integrity, military genius, and habits of civil industry, for which Sully was distinguished, found their parallel in Bairam ; and if Burleigh equalled in wisdom, he was not superior in virtue to Abu-1 Fazl, nor possessed of his excessive benevolence. Unhappily for Mewar, all this genius and power combined to overwhelm' her. It is, however, a proud tribute to the memory of the Mogul that his name is united with that of his rival Partap in numerous traditionary couplets honourable to both ; and if the Rajput bard naturally emblazons first on his page that of his own hero, he admits that none other but Akbar can stand a comparison with him ; thereby confirming the eulogy of the historian of his race, who, in sumining up his character, observes that, "if he sometimes did things beneath the dignity of a great king, he never did anything unworthy of a good man." But if the annalist of the Bundi State can be relied upon, the very act which caused Akbar's death will make us pause ere we subscribe to these testi monies to the worth of departed greatness, and, disregarding the adage of only speaking good of the dead, compel us to in stitute, in imitation of the ancient Egyptians, a posthumous inquest on the character of the monarch of the Moguls. The Bundi records are well worthy of belief, as diaries of events were kept by her princes, who were of the first importance in this and the succeeding reigns : and they may be more likely to throw a light upon points of character of a tendency to disgrace the Mogul king, than the historians of his court, who had every reason to withhold such. A desire to be rid of the great Raja Man of Amber, to whom he was so much indebted, made the emperor descend [352] to act the part of the assassin. He pre pared a ma'ajun, or confection, a part of which contained poison ; but, caught in his own snare, he presented the innoxious portion to the Rajput and ate that drugged with death himself. 1 We have a sufficient clue to the motives which influenced Akbar to a deed so unworthy of him, and which were more fully developed in the reign of his successor ; namely, a design on the part of Raja Man to alter the succession, and that Khusru, his nephew, should succeed instead of Salim. With such a motive, the aged emperor might have admitted with less scruple the advice which prompted an act he dared not openly undertake, without exposing 1 [The question has been discussed in the Bundi Annals, below.] the throne in his latter days to the dangers of civil contention, as Raja Man was too powerful to be openly assaulted.
The Administration of Rana Amar Singh
Let us return to Mewar. Ainra remodelled the institutions of his country, made a new assessment of the lands and distribution of the fiefs, appor tioning the service to the times. He also established the grada tion of ranks such as yet exists, and regulated the sumptuary laws even to the tie of a turban,1 and many of these are to be seen engraved on pillars of stone in various parts of the country. The repose thus enjoyed realized the prophetic fears of Partap, whose admonitions were forgotten. Amra constructed a small palace on the banks of the lake, named after himself ' the abode of immortality,2 - still remarkable for its Gothic contrast to the splendid marble edifice erected by his successors, now the abode of the princes of Mewar.
Jahangir attacks Mewar
Jahangir had been four years on the throne, and having overcome all internal dissension, resolved to signalize his reign by the subjugation of the only prince who had disdained to acknowledge the paramount power of the Moguls ; and assembling the royal forces, he put them in motion for Mewar. Amra, between the love of ease and reputation, wavered as to the conduct he should adopt ; nor were sycophants wanting who Counselled ignoble ease and peaceful sloth, Not peace : and dared to prompt his following the universal contagion, by accepting the imperial farman. In such a state of mind the chiefs foimd their prince, when [353] they repaired to the new abode to warn him, and prepare him for the emergency. But the gallant Chondawat, recalling to their remeinbrance the dying behest of their late glorious head, demanded its fulfilment. All resolved to imitate the noble Partap, preferring Hard liberty before the easy yoke Of servile pomp.
Chief of Salumbar intervenes
A magnificent mirror of 1 The Amrasahi pagri, or turban, is still used by the Rana and some nobles on court days, but the foreign nobillty have the privilege, in this respect, of conforming to their own tribes. 2 Amara mahall. European fabrication adorned the embryo palace. Animated with a noble resentment at the inefficacy of his appeal to the better feelings of his prince, the chieftain of Salumbar hurled ' the slave of the carpet ' 1 against the splendid bauble, and starting up, seized his sovereign by the arm and moved him from the throne. " To horse, chiefs ! " he exclaimed, " and preserve from infamy the son of Partap." A burst of passion followed the seeming indignity, and the patriot chief was branded with the harsh name of traitor ; but with his sacred duty in view, and supported by every vassal of note, he calmly disregarded the insult. Compelled to mount his steed, and surrounded by the veterans and all the chivalry of Mewar, Amra's passion vented itself in tears of indignation. In such a mood the cavalcade descended the ridge, since studded with palaces, and had reached the sjjot where the temple of Jagannath now stands, when he recovered from this fit of passion ; the tear ceased to flow, and passing his hand over his moustache, 2 he made a courteous salutation to all, entreating their forgiveness for this omission of respect ; but more especially expressing his gratitude to Salumbar, he said, " Lead on, nor shall you ever have to regret your late sovereign." Elevated with every sentiment of generosity and valour, they passed on to Dawer, where they encountered the royal army* led by the brother of the Khankhanan, as it entered the pass, and which, after a long and sanguinary combat, they entirely defeated.3
Defeat of the Imperialists
The honours of the day are chiefly attributed to the brave Kana, uncle to the Rana, and ancestor of that numerous clan called after him Kanawats. A truce followed this battle, but it was of short duration ; for another and yet more murderous conflict took place in the spring of 1666, in the pass of the sacred Ranpur [35 J.], where the imperial army, under its leader AbduUa, was almost exterminated ; * though with the loss of the best and bravest of the chiefs of Mewar,
1 A small brass ornament placed at the corners of the carpet to keep it steady. 2 This is a signal both of defiance and self-gratulation. 3 S. 1664, A.D. 1608. 4 Phalgun 7th, S. 1666, the spring of A.D. 1610. Ferishta [Dow iii. 37] misplaces this battle, making it immediately precede the invasion under Khurram. The defeats of the Mogul forces are generally styled ' recalls of the commander.' whose names, however harsh, deserve preservation.1 A feverish exultation was the fruit of this victory which shed a hectic flush of glory over the declining days of Mewar, when the crimson banner once more floated throughout the province of Godwar.
Jahangir establishes Sagra as Rana
Alarmed at these suc cessive defeats, Jahangir, preparatory to equipping a fresh army against Mewar, determined to establish a new Rana, and to instal him in the ancient seat of power, Chitor, thus hoping to withdraw from the standard of Amra many of his adherents. The experi ment evinced at least a knowledge of their prejudices ; but, to the honour of Rajput fidelity, it failed. Sagra, who abandoned Partap and went over to Akbar, was selected ; 2 the sword of in vestiture was girded on him by the emperor's own hands, and under the escort of a Mogul force he went to reign amidst the ruins of Chitor. Her grandeur, even in desolation, is beautifully depicted at this very period by the chaplain to the embassy from P^lizabeth to Jahangir, the members composing which visited the capital of the Sesodias in their route to Ajmer.' For seven years Sagra had a spurious homage paid to him amidst this desolation, the ruined pride of his ancestors. But
1 Dudo, Sangawat of Deogarh, Narayandas, Surajmall, Askarn, all Sesodias of the first rank ; Puran Mall, son of Bhan, the chief of the Sak tawats ; Haridas Rathor, Bhopat the Jhala of Sadri, Kahirdas Kachhwaha, Keshodas Ghauhan of Bedla, Mukimddas Rathor, Jaimallot, of the blood of Jaimall. 2 [When Partap was attacked by Akbar, Sakra, as he is called, paid his respects at court, and was appointed Commander of 200 {Ain, i. 519).] 3 Chitor, an antient great kingdom, the chief city so called, which standeth upon a mighty hill flat on the top, walled about at the least ten English miles. There appear to this day above a hundred ruined churches, and divers fair palaces, which are lodged in like manner among the ruins, besides many exquisite pillars of carved stone, and the ruins likewise of a hundred thousand stone houses, as many English by their observation have guessed. There is but one ascent unto it, cut out of a firm rock, to which a man must pass through four (sometime very magnificent) gates. Its chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim, birds and wild beasts ; but the stately ruins thereof give a shadow of its beauty ivhile it flourished in its pride. It was won from Ramas, an ancient Indian prince, who was forced to live himself ever after on high mountainous places adjoining to that province, and his posterity to hve there ever since. Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha (the father of that king who lived and reigned when I was in these parts) after a very long siege, which famished the besieged, without which it could never have been gotten." [E. Terry, A Voyage to East-India, 1777, p. 77 f.] it is gratifying to record, that not even by this recreant son of Chitor could the impressions formed in contemplating such scenes be resisted ; and Sagra, though flinty as the rock to a brother and nephew, could not support the silent admonition of the altars of the heroes who had fallen in her defence. The triumphal column raised for victory over a combination of [355] kings, was a per petual memento of his infamy ; nor could he pass over one finger's breadth of her ample surface, without treading on some fragment which remmded him of their great deeds and his own unworthiness. We would be desirous of recording, that a nobler remembrancer than ' coward conscience,' animated the brother of Partap to an act of redeeming virtue ; but when the annals tell us, that " the terrific Bhairon (the god of battle) openly manifested his displeasure," it is decisive that it was not less the wish for greatness, than the desire to be " without the illness should attend it " ; and sending for his nephew, he restored to him Chitor, retiring to the isolated Kandhar.1 Some time after, upon going to court, and being upbraided by Jahangir, he drew his dagger and slew himself in the emperor's presence : an end worthy of such a traitor.2
Conquests of Rana Amar Singh I
Amra took possession of the seat 'of his ancestors ; but wanting the means to put it in defence, the acquisition only served to increase the temporary exultation. The evil resulting from attaching so much conse quence to a capital had been often signally manifested ; as to harass the enemy from their mountains, and thereby render his conquests unavailing, was the only policy which could afford the chance of independence. With Chitor the Rana acquired, by surrender or assault, possession of no less than eighty of the chief towns and foi'tresses of Mewar : amongst them Untala, at whose capture occurred the patriotic struggle between the clans of Chondawat and Saktawat for the leading of the vanguard, else where related.3 On this memorable storm, besides the leaders
1 An isolated rock in the plain between the confluence of the Parbati and Chambal, and the famous Rauthambhor. The author has twice passed it in his travels in these regions. 2 It was one of his sons who apostatized from his faith, who is well known in the imperial history as Mahabat Khan, beyond doubt the most daring chief in Jahangir's reign [see p. 386, above]. This is the secret of his bond of luiion with prince Khurram (Shah Jahan), himseK half a Rajput. It was with his Rajputs Mahabat did that daring deed, making Jahangir jirisoner in his own camp, in the zenith of his power. 3 Page 175, above. of the rival bands, five of the infant clan Saktawat, consisting but of sixteen brave brothers, with three of the house of Salumbar, perished, struggling for the immortality promised by the bard. We may here relate the rise of the Saktawats, with which is materially connected the future history of Mewar.
Sakta and the Saktawats
Sakta was the second of the twenty four sons of Udai Singh. Wlien only five years of age, he dis covered that fearless temperament which marked' his manhood [356]. The armourer having brought a new dagger to try its edge by the usual proof on thinly spread cotton, the child asked the Rana " if it was not intended to cut bones and flesh," and seizing it, tried it on his own litfle hand. The blood gushed on the carpet, but he betrayed no symptom of pain or surprise. Whether his father admitted the tacit reproof of his own want of nerve, or that it recalled the prediction of the astrologers, who, in casting Sakta's horoscope, had announced that he was to be " the bane of Mewar," he was incontinently commanded to be put to death, and was carried off for this purpose, when saved by the Salumbar chief, who arrested the fiat, sped to the Rana, and begged his life as a boon, promising, having no heirs, to educate him as the future head of the ChondaAvats. The Salumbar chief had children in his old age, and while wavering between his own issue and the son of his adoption, the young Sakta was sent for to court by his brother Partap. The brothers for a considerable time lived on the most amicable footing, un happily interrupted by a dispute while hunting, which in time engendered mutual dislike.
While riding in the ring, Partap suddenly proposed to decide their quarrel by single combat, " to see who was the best lancer." Not backward, Sakta replied, " Do you begin " ; and some little time was lost in a courteous struggle for the first spear, when, as they took their ground and agreed to charge together, the Purohit 1 rushed between the combatants and implored them not to ruin the house. His appeal, however, being vain, there was but one way left to pre vent the imnatural strife : the priest drew his dagger, and plung ing it in his breast, fell a lifeless corpse between the combatants. Appalled at the horrid deed, ' the blood of the priest on their head,' they desisted from their infatuated aim. Partap, waving his hand, commanded Sakta to quit his dominions, who bowing retired, 1 Family priest. and carried his resentments to Akbar. Partap performed with the obsequies of this faithful servant many expiatory rites, and made an irrevocable grant of Salera to his son, still enjoyed by his descend ants, while a small column yet identifies the spot of sacrifice to fidelity. From that hour to the memorable day when the founder of the Saktawats gained the birad of the race ' Khurasan Multan ka Aggal,' on the occasion of his saving his sovereign flying from the field, the brothers had never beheld each other's face [357].
Sakta had seventeen sons, all of whom, excepting the heir of Bhainsror,1 attended his obsequies. On return from this rite they found the gates barred against them by Bhanji, now chief of the Saktawats, who told them " there were too many mouths," and that they must push their fortunes elsewhere wlule he attended his sovereign with the quota of Bhainsror. They demanded their horses and their arms, if such were his pleasure ; and electing Achal as their head (whose wife was then pregnant), they took the route to Idar, which had recently been acquired by a junior branch of the Rathors of Marwar.2 They had reached Palod when the pangs of childbirth seized the wife of Achal ; and being rudely repulsed by the Sonigira vassal of Palod, who refused her shelter at such a moment, they sought refuge amidst the ruins of a temple.3 It was the shrine of Mata Janavi, ' the mother of births,' the Juno Lucina of the Rajputs. In a corner of the sanctviary they placed the mother of a future race ; but the rain, which fell in torrents, visibly affected the ruin. A beam of stone gave way, which but for Bala would have crushed her : he supported the sinking roof on his head till the brothers cut down a babul tree, with which they propped it and relieved him. In this retreat Asa (Hope) was born, who became the parent of an extensive branch known as the Achalis Saktawats.
The ' Great Mother ' was propitious. The parent of ' Hope ' was soon enabled to resume her journey for Idar, whose chief received them with open arms, and assigned lands for their 1 I have visited the cenotaphs of Sakta and his successors at the almost insulated Bhainsror on the Chanibal. The castle is on a rock at the conflu ence of the blatk Bamani and the Chambal. 2 [idar was not occupied by the Rathors till 1728 {IGI, xiii. 325).] 3 Probably the identical temple to the Mother, in which I found a valu able inscription of Kumarpal of Anhilwara Patau, dated S. 1207. Palod is in the district of Nimbahera, now alienated from Mewar, and under that upstart Pathan, Amir Khan. support. Here they had been some time when the Rana's prime minister passed through Idar from a pilgrimage to Satrunjaya.1 A violent storm would have thrown down the tent in which was his wife, but for the exertion of some of the brothers ; and the minister, on learning that it was to the near kin of his sovereign he was indebted for this kindness, Invited them to Udaipur, taking upon him to provide for them with their own proper head, which they declined without a special invitation. This was not long wanting ; for Amra [358] was then collecting the strength of his hills against the king, and the services of the band of brothers, his kinsmen, were peculiarly acceptable.
The first act of duty, though humble, is properly recorded, as ennobled by the sentiment which inspired it, and the pictured scene is yet pre served of Bala and Jodha collecting logs of wood for a night fire in the mountain bivouac for their kinsman and sovereign. In the more brilliant exploit which followed Bala took the lead, and though the lord of Bhainsror was in camp, it was Bala who obtained the leading of the vanguard : the commencement of that rivalry of clanship from whence have resulted some of the most daring, and many of the most merciless deeds in the history of Mewar. The right to lead in battle belonged to the Chonda wats, and the first intimation the chieftain had of his prince's inconsiderate insult was from the bard incessantly repeating the ' birad ' of the clan, until ' the portal of the ten thousand ' of Mewar deemed him mad. " Not so," replied he ; " but it is, perhaps, the last time your ears may be gratified with the watchword of Chonda, which may to-morrow be given as well as the Harawal to the Saktawats." An explanation followed, and the assault of Untala ensued, which preserved the rights of the Chondawats, though nobly contested by their rivals. The vassal of Bakrol carried the tidings of the successful assault to the Rana, who arrived in time to re ceive the last obeisance of Bala, whose parting words to his prince were seized on by the bard and added to the birad of the clan : and although, in sloth and opium, they now " lose and neglect the creeping hours of time," yet whenever a Saktawat chief enters the court of his sovereign, or takes his seat amongst his brother chiefs, the bards still salute him with the dying words of Bala :
1 One of the five sacred mounts of the Jains, of whose faith was the minister. Of these I shall speak at length in the Personal Narrative. [IGI, xix. 316 ff.] " Dilua ddtdr. Chauguna junjhdr, Khurdsdn Multdn ka dggdl." 1 Then passing the hand over his moustache, for a moment the escalade of Untala flits before his vision, where Bala, Achalis, Jodha, Dilla, and Chatiu-bhan, five of the seventeen sons of Sakta, fell for the maintenance of the post of honour [359]. Bhanji soon after performed a service which obtained him the entire favour of his prince, who, returning from Ratlam, was insulted by the Rathors of Bhindar, which was punished by the Saktawat, who took the town by assault, expelling the aggressors. Anara added it to his fief of Bhainsror, and since the latter was bestowed on the rival clan, Bhindar has continued the chief residence of the leader of the Saktawats. Ten chiefs ^ have followed in regular
1 ' Double gifts, fourfold sacrifice.' Meaning, with increase of their prince's favour the sacrifice of their hves would progress ; and which, for the sake of euphony probably, preceded the birad won by the founder, ' the barrier to Khurasan and Multan.’
The Birad of the Chondawats is : Das sahas Mewar lea bar Kewdr, ' the portal of the ten thousand [towns] of Mewar.' It is related that Sakta, jealous of so sweeping a birad, complained that nothing was left for him : when the master bard reph'ed, he was Kewdr ka aggal, the bar which secures the door {Kewdr).
2 Sakta
17 sons.
to whom succeeded in order Hamir Singh, Madan Singh, Kesari Singh, and Madho Singh, the present Maharaja, who succeeded in 1900 (Erskine ii. A. 99).] succession, whose issue spread over Mewar, so that in a few genera tions after Sakta, their prince could muster the swords of ten thousand Saktawats ; but internal feuds and interminable spoliation have checked the progress of population, and it might be difficult now to assemble half that number of the ' children of Sakta ' fit to bear arms.
