Mewar 20: Rana Karan fortifies and embellishes Udaipur
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Mewar 20: Rana Karan fortifies and embellishes Udaipur
Rana karan singhII,A.D 1620_28
Karan, or Kama [the radiant), succeeded to the last independent king of Mewar, S. 1677, A.D. 1621. Henceforth we shall have to exhibit these princely ' children of the sun ' with diminished lustre, moving as satellites round the primary planet ; but, unaccustomed to the laws of its attraction, they soon deviated from the orbit prescribed, and in the eccentricity of their movements occasionally displayed their unborrowed effulgence. For fifteen himdred years we have traced each alternation of the fortune of this family, from their establishment in the second, to their expulsion in the fifth century from Saurashtra by the Parthians ; the acquisition and loss of Idar ; the conquest and surrender of Chitor ; the rise of Udaipur
1 It must have been here that Sultan Khurram visited the Rana. The remams of this palace, about half a mile without the city wall (north), on a cluster of hills, are yet in existence. It was built by Udai Singh on the banks of a lake, under which are gardens and groves, where the author had the Rana's permission to pitch his tents in the hottest m'onths. [When Khurram was in revolt against his father, he stayed at first in the Rana's palace ; but as his followers Uttle respected Rajput prejudices, he removed to the Jag mandir, and the island became his home till shortly before his father's death (Erskine ii. A. 109).] and abasement of the red flag to Jahangir ; and we shall conclude with not the least striking portion of their history, their unity of interests with Britain.
Karan was deficient neither in courage nor conduct ; of both he had given a decided proof, when, to relieve the pecuniary difficulties of his father, with a rapidity unparalleled, he passed through the midst of his foes, surjorised and plundered Surat, and carried off a booty which was the means of protracting the evil days of his country. But for the exercise of the chief virtue of the Rajput, he [369] had little scope throughout his reign, and fortunately for his country the powerful esteem and friendship which Jahangir and Prince Khurram evinced for his house, enabled him to put forth the talents he possessed to repair past disasters. He fortified the heights round the capital, which he strengthened with a wall and ditch, partly enlarged the noble dam which retains the waters of the Pichola, and built that entire portion of the palace called the Rawala, still set apart for the ladies of the court.
Terms between Rana Karan Singh and Jahangir
When Rana Amra made terms with Jahangir, he stipulated, as a salvo for his dignity and that of his successors, exemption from all personal attendance ; and confined the extent of homage to his successors receiving, on each lapse of the crown, the farman or imperial decree in token of subordination, which, more strongly to mark their dependent condition, the Rana was to accept without the walls of his capital ; accordingly, though the heirs-apparent of Mewar 1 attended the court, they never did as Rana. Partly to lessen the weight of this sacrifice to independence, and partly to exalt the higher grade of nobles, the princes of the blood-royal of Mewar were made to rank below the Sixteen, a fictitious diminu tion of dignity which, with similar acts peculiar to this house, enhanced the self-estimation of the nobles, and made them brave every danger to obtain such sacrifices to the ruling passion of the Rajput, a love of distinction.2 It is mentioned by the emperor 1 The contingent of Mewar was one thousand horse. 2 During the progress of my mediation between the Rana and his nobles, in 1818, the conduct of the Hneal representative of Jainiall, the defender of Chitor against Akbar, was striking. Instead of surrendering the lands whicli he was accused of usurping, he placed himself at the door of the thresh old of the palace, whence he was immovable. His claims were left to my adjudication : but he complained with great heat of the omission of cere
that he placed the heir-apparent of Mewar immediately on his right hand, over all the princes of Hindustan ; consequently the superior nobles of Mewar, who were all men of royal descent, deemed themselves, and had their [370] claims admitted, to rank above their peers at other courts, and to be seated almost on an equality witli their princes.1
Sesodias in the Imperial Service
The Sesodia chieftains were soon distinguished amongst the Rajput vassals of the Mogul, and had a full share of power. Of these Bhim, the younger brother of Karan, who headed the quota of Mewar, was conspicuous, and became the chief adviser and friend of Sultan Khurram, who well knew his intrepidity. At his son's solicitation, the emperor conferred upon him the title of Raja, and assigned a small princi pality on "the Banas for his residence, of which Toda was the capital. Ambitious of perpetuating a name, he erected a new city and palace on the banks of the river, which he called Raj mahall, and which his descendants held till about forty years ago. The ruins of Rajmahall 2 bear testimony to the architectural taste
monials, and especially of the prostration of honours by the prince. I in cautiously remarked that these were trivial compared with the other objects in view, and begged him to disregard it. " Disregard it ! why, it was for these things my ancestors sacrificed their lives ; when such a band * as this on my turban was deemed ample reward for the most distinguished service, and made them laugh at wounds and hardships ! " Abashed at the incon siderate remark which provoked this lofty reproof, I used my influence to have the omission rectified : the lands were restored, and the enthusiastic reverence with which I spoke of Jaimall would have obtained even greater proof of the Badnor chief's regard for the fame of his ancestors than the surrender of them implied. Who would not honour this attachment to such emblems in the days of adversity ? 1 This was conceded, as the following anecdote will attest. When the first Peshwa [Balaji Visvanath (1707-20)] appeared at the Jaipur court he was accompanied by the Salumbar chieftain. The Jaipur prince divided his gaddi (cushion) with the Peshwa, and the latter made room for the Salumbar chief upon it, observing that their privileges and rank were similar. The same Peshwa had the address to avoid all discussion of rank at Udaipur, by alleging the prerogative of his order to ' spread his cloth in front of the throne,’ a distinction to which every priest is entitled. 2 The plate represents Rajmahall, on the Banas, now in the fief of Rao Chand Singh, one of the Jaipur nobles, whose castle of Duni is in the
- Balaband, a fillet or band, sometimes embroidered ; often, as in the
present case, of silk or gold tliread knotted, and tassels tied round the turban. Balaband is synonymous with diadem. of this son of Mewar, as do the fallen fortunes of his descendant to the instability of power : the lineal heir of Raja Bhim serves the chief of Shahpura on half a crown a day !
Revolt and Death of Bhim Singh
Jahangir, notwithstanding his favours, soon had a specimen of the insubordinate spirit of Bhim. Being desirous to separate him from Sultan Khurram, who aspired to the crown in prejudice to his elder brother Parvez, he appointed Bhim to the government of Gujarat, which was distinctly refused. Detesting Parvez, who, it will be recollected, invaded Mewar, and was foiled for his cruelty on this occasion, Bhim advised his friend at once to throw off the mask, if he aspired to reign. Parvez was slain,1 and Khurram manifested his guilt by flying to arms [371]. He was secretly supported by a strong party of the Rajput interest, at the head of which was Gaj Singh of Marwar, his maternal grandfather, who cautiously desired to remain neutral. Jahangir advanced to crush the incipient revolt ; but dubious of the Rathor (Gaj Singh), he gave the van to Jaipur, upon which the prince furled his banners and determined to be a spectator. The armies approached and were joining action, when the impetuous Bhim sent a message to the Rathor either to aid or oppose them. The insult provoked him to the latter course, and Bhim's party was destroyed, himself slain,^ and Khurram and Mahabat Khan compelled to seek refuge distance. There are many picturesque scenes of this nature on the Banas. Duni made a celebrated defence against Sindhia's army in 1808, and held out several months, though the Mahratta prince had an army of forty thou sand men and a park of eighty pieces of cannon to oppose two hundred Rajputs. They made sorties, captured his foragers, cut his batteries to pieces, and carried off his guns (of which they had none), and, placing them on their walls, with his own shot made the whole army change position, beyond matchlock range. At last their inexpertness rendered them useless, and they obtained honourable terms. On one occasion the foragers of our escort were returning, and met Sindhia's coming away without their guns and cattle, which had just been taken from them. Our lads, from fellowship, volunteered to recover them, and returned on the captors, who gave them up (if my memory deceive me not) without a struggle, and from respect to the red coat !
1 [Parvez died at Burhanpur, Nimar District, Central Provinces, in his thirty-eighth year, on October 28, 1626.] 2 Man Singh, chief of the Saktawats, and lus brother Gokuldas, were Bhim's advisers, and formed with Mahabat Khan the junta who ruled the Mogul heir-apparent. Man held Sanwar in the Khairar, and was celebrated in Udaipur. In this asylum he remained undisturbed : apart ments in the palace were assigned to him ; but his followers little respecting Rajput prejudices, the island became his residence, on Avhich a sumptuous edifice Avas raised, adorned with a lofty dome crowned with the crescent. The interior was decorated with mosaic, in onyx, cornelian, jaspers, and agates, rich Turkey carpets, etc. ; and that nothing of state might be wanting to the royal refugee, a throne was sculptured from a single block of serpentine, supported by quadriform female Caryatidae. In the court a little chapel was erected to the Muhammadan saint Madar,^ and here the prince with his court resided, every wish anticipated, till a short time before his father's death, when he retired into Persia.2
Such was Rajput gratitude to a prince who, when the chances of war made him victor over them, had sought unceasingly to mitigate the misery attendant on the loss of independence ! It is pleasing to record to the honour of this calumniated race, that these feelings on the part of Karan were not transient ; and that so far from expiring with the object.
The debt immense of endless gratitude was transmitted as an heirloom to his issue ; and though two centuries have fled, during which Mewar had suffered every in Anira's wars as the great champion of the Sesodias. He counted above eighty wounds, and had at various times " sent a ser (two pounds) of ex foUated bone to the Ganges." Such was the affection between Man and Bhim, that they concealed the death of the latter, sending him food in Bhim's name ; but he no sooner learned the truth than he tore away the bandages and expired. Of Gokuldas the bard says, in allusion to the peaceful reign of Karan, " The wreath of Karan's renown was fading, but Gokul revived it with his blood." It was with the Sesodia Rajputs and the Saktawats that Mahabat performed the most daring exploit in Mogul history, making Jahangir prisoner in his own camp : but it is too long for insertion in a note. [This occurred in 1626 ; see Elphinstone, Hist, of India, 568.]
1 [The saint Madar is said to have been a Jew from Aleppo who hved from A.D. 1050 to 1433, and was buried at Makanpur in the Cawnpur District, where pilgrims visit his tomb {101, xvii. 43 ; Dabistan, trans. Shea-Troyer iii. 244 ff.).] 2 Contemporary historians say to Golkonda. [Khurram was prevented by bad health from going to Persia, and proceeded to the Deccan, whence he returned after his father's death (Elphinstone, op. cit. 573 ; Elliot Dowson vi. 433, 437, 445).] variety of woe, pillaged by Mogul [372], Pathan, and Mahratta, yet the turban of Prince Khurram, the symbol of fraternity,1 has been preserved, and remains in the same folds as when transferred from the head of the Mogul to that of the Rajput prince. The shield is yet held as the most sacred of relics, nor will the lamp which illumines the chapel of Madar want oil while the princes of Udaipur have wherewithal to supply it.2
Death of Rana Karan Singh
Rana Karan had enjoyed eight years of perfect tranquillity when he was gathered to his fathers. The sanctuary he gave Prince Khurram had no apparent effect on Jahangir, who doubtless believed that the Rana did not sanction the conduct of his brother Bhim. lie was succeeded by his son Jagat Singh, ' the lion of the world,' in S. 1684 (a.d. 1628).
Rana Jagat Singh I., a.d. 1628-52
The Emperor Jahangir died shortly after his accession [October 28, 1627], and while Khurram was in exile. This event, which gave the throne to the friend of his house, was announced to him by the Rana, who sent his brother and a band of Rajputs to Surat to form the cortege of the emperor, who repaired directly to Udaipur ; and it was in the Badal Mahall (' the cloud saloon ') of his palace that he was first saluted by the title of ' Shah Jahan,' by the satraps and tributary princes of the empire.^ On taking leave, the new monarch restored five alienated districts, and presented the Rana 1 An exchange of turbans is the symbol of fraternal adoption. 2 It is an affecting proof of the perpetuity of true gratitude, " Which owing, owes not," as weU as of reUgious toleration, to find the shrine of the Muhammadan saint maintained in this retreat of the Sesodias, and the priest and establish ment kept up, though the son of their benefactor persecuted them with unrelenting barbarity. Are these people worth concihating ? or does the mist of ignorance and egotism so blind us that we are to despise the minds hidden under the cloak of poverty and long oppression ? The orange coloured turban, and the shield of Shah Jahan, have been brought from their sacred niche for my view : that I looked on them with sentiments of reverence, as reUcs consecrated by the noblest feehng of the mind, will be credited. I bowed to the turljan with an irresistible impulse, and a fervour as deep as ever did pilgrim before the most hallowed shrine.
3 Ferishta [Dow iii. 99], whose geography is often quite unintelligible, omits this in his history, and passes the king direct to Ajmer : but the annals are fuller, and describe the royal insignia conveyed by Mahabat, AbduUa, Khan Jahan, and his secretary Sadullah.
•with a ruby of inestimable value, giving him also permission to reconstruct the fortifications of Chitor.1
The twenty-six years during which Jagat Singh occupied the throne passed in uninterrupted tranquillity : a state imfruitful to the bard, who flourishes only amidst agitation and strife. This period was devoted to the cultivation of the peaceful arts, especially architecture ; and to Jagat Singh Udaipur is indebted for those magnificent works which bear his name, and excite our astonishment, after all the disasters we have related, at the resources he found to accomplish them [373].
Erection of Buildings at Udaipur
The palace on the lake (covering about four acres), called the Jagniwas, is entirely his work, as well as many additions to its sister isle, on which is the Jagmandir.*^ Nothing but marble enters into their composition ; columns, baths, reservoirs, fountains, all are of this material, often inlaid with mosaics, and the uniformity pleasingly diversified by the hght passing through glass of every hue. The apartments are decorated with historical paintings in water-colours, almost meriting the term fresco from their deep absorption in the wall, though the darker tmts have bleaded with and in part oljscured the more delicate shades, from atmospheric causes. The walls, both here and in the grand palace, contain many medallions, in considerable relief, in gypsum, portraying the principal historical events of the family, from early periods even to the marriage pomp of the present Rana. Parterres of flowers, orange and lemon groves, intervene to dispel the monotony of the buildings, shaded by the wide-spreading tamarind and magnificent evergreen khirni ; 3 while the graceful palmyra and coco wave their plume like branches over the dark cypress or cooling plantain. Detached colonnaded refectories are placed on the water's edge for the chiefs, and extensive baths for their use. Here they listened to the tale of the bard, and slept off their noonday opiate amidst
1 [According to Manucci (i. 214 f.) Shahjahan ordered his Wazir S'adullah Khan to prepare a campaign against the Rana, but the plan was disclosed by a woman, and the Rana made terms, ceded territory, and paid a sum of money. Shahjahan is said to have destroyed the fortifications of Chitor, on the ground that they had been repaired without his father's permission.] 2 ' The minster of the world.' [According to Erskine (ii. A. 109) the Jagmandir was built by Jagat Singh I. (1628-52) ; the Jagniwas by Jagat Singh II. (1734-51).] 3 [Wrightia tinctoria (Watt, Comm. Prod. 1131 f.).] the cool breezes of the lake, wafting delicious odours from mjTiads of the lotus-flower which covered the surface of the waters ; and as the fumes of the potion evaporated, they opened their eyes on a landscape to which not even its inspirations could frame an equal : the broad waters of the Pichola, with its indented and well-wooded margin receding to the terminating point of sight, at which the temple of Brahmpuri opened on the pass of the gigantic Aravalli, the field of the exploits of their forefathers. Amid such scenes did the Sesodia princes and chieftains recreate during two generations, exchanging the din of arms for voluptuous inactivity.
Jagat Singh was a highly respected prince, and did much to efface the remembrance of the rude visitations of the Moguls. The dignity of his character, his benevolence of address and personal demeanour, secured the homage of all who had access to him, and are alike attested by the pen of the emperor, the ambassador of England, and the chronicles of Mewar. He had the proud satisfaction [374] of redeeming . the ancient capital from ruin ; rebuilding the " chaplet bastion,' restoring the portals, and replacing the pinnacles on the temples of Chitrakot." By a princess of Marwar he left two sons, the eldest of whom succeeded.
Rana Raj Singh, a.d. 1652-80
Raj Singh (the royal lion) moiuited the throne in S. 1710 (a.d. 1654). Various causes over which he had no control combined, together with his personal character, to break the long repose his country had enjoyed. The emperor of the Moguls had reached extreme old age, and the ambition of his sons to usurp his authority involved every Rajput in support of their individual pretensions. The Rana inclined to Dara,^ the legitimate heir to the throne, as did nearly the whole Rajput race ; but the battle of Fatehabad 3 silenced every pretension, and gave the lead to Aurangzeb, which he maintained by the sacrifice of whatever opposed his ambition. His father, brothers, nay, his own offspring, were in turn victims to that thirst for power which eventually destroyed the monarchy of the Moguls.
1 The Mala Burj, a ' chaplet bastion ' blown up by Akbar, is a small fortress of itself. 2 I have copies of the original letters written by Dara, Suja, Murad, and Aurangzeb on this occasion, each soliciting the Rana's aid. 3 [SamQgarh, afterwards called Fatehabad, May 20, 1658 (Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, ii. 32 ff. ; Manucci i. 270 ff. ; Bernier 49 ff.)-]
The policy introduced by their founder, from which Akbar, Jahangir, and Shah Jahan had reaped so many benefits, was unwisely abandoned by the latter, who of all had the most power ful reasons for maintaining those ties which connected the Rajput princes vnth his house. Historians have neglected to notice the great moral strength derived from this unity of the indigenous races with their conquerors ; for during no similar period was the empire so secure, nor the Hindu race so cherished, as during the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan : the former born from a Rajput princess of Amber, and the latter from the house of Marwar. Aurangzeb's unmixed Tatar blood brought no Rajput sympathies to his aid ; on the contrary, every noble family shed their best blood in withstanding his accession, and in the defence of Shah Jahan's rights, while there was a hope of success. The politic Aurangzeb was not blind to this defect, and he tried to remedy it in his successor ; for both his declared heir. Shah Alam, and Azam, as well as his favourite grandson,1 were the offspring of Rajputnis ; but, uninfluenced himself by such predilections, his bigotry outweighed his policy, and he visited the Rajputs with an unrelenting and unwise persecution [375].
We shall pass the twice-told tale of the struggle for power which ended in the destruction of the brothers, competitors with Aurangzeb : this belongs to general history, not to the annals of Mewar ; and that history is in every hand, 2 in which the magna nimity of Dara, 3 the impetuosity of Murad, and the activity of Suja met the same tragical end.
Princes contemporary with Aurangzeb
It has seldom occurred that so many distinguished princes were contemporary as during the reign of Aurangzeb. Every Rajput principality had a head above mediocrity in conduct as in courage. Jai Singh of Amber, 1 Kambakhsh (son of Jodhpuri, not Udaipuri), 'the gift of Cupid.' Of this the Greeks made Cambyses. [Kambakhsh was son of Udaipuri, the youngest and best-loved concubine of Aurangzeb (Judunath Sarkar i. 64). Cambyses is Old Persian Kabuziya or Kambuziya (Maspero, Passing of the Empires, 655, note).] 2 Bernier, who was an eye-witness of these transactions, describes them far better than the Mogul historians, and his accounts tally admirably with the Rajput annals. [But he is not always to be trusted (Jadunath Sarkar ii. 10, note).] 3 [The proper form is Dara Shukoh or Shikoh, ' equal in splendour to Darius.'] surnamed ' the Mirza Raja ' ; Jaswant Singh of Marwar, with the Haras of Bundi and Kotah ; the Rathors of Bikaner, and Bundelas of Orchha and Datia, were men whose prejudices, properly consulted, would have rendered the Mogul power in dissoluble : but he had but one measure of contumely for all, which inspired Sivaji with designs of freedom to Maharashtra, and withdrew every sentiment of support from the princes of Rajasthan. In subtlety and the most specious hypocrisy, in that concentration of resolve which confides its deep purpose to none, in every qualification of the warrior or scholar,1 Aurangzeb had
1 We possess a most erroneous idea of the understanding of Asiatic princes, and the extent of its cultivation. Aurangzeb's rebuke to his tutor MuUa Sale [MuUa Sahh, Bemier 154 ; Manucci ii. 30], who beset him with a sycophantic intrusion on his coming to the throne, may correct this, and, with the letter of Rana Raj Singh, give the European world juster notions of the pawers of mind both of Hindu and Muhammadan. It is preserved by Bernier, who had ample opportunity to acquire a knowledge of them. (From an edition in the autJior^s possession, printed a.d. 1684, only three years after these events.) " ' What is it you would have of me. Doctor ? Can you reasonably desire I should make you one of the chief Omrahs of my court ? Let me tell you, if you had instructed me as you should have done, nothing would be more just ; for I am of this persuasion, that a child well educated and instructed is as much, at least, obliged to his master as to his father. But where are those good documents you have given me ? In the first place, you have taught me that all that Frangistan (so it seems they call Europe) was nothing but I know not what Uttle island, of which the greatest king was he of Portugal, and next to him he of Holland, and after him he of England : and as to the other kings, as those of France and Andalusia, you have represented them to me as our petty Rajas ; teUing me that the kings of Indostan were far above them all together, and that they were the true and only Houmayons, the Ekbars, the Jehan-Guyres, the Chah-Jehans, the fortunate ones, the great ones, the conquerors and kings of the world ; and that Persia and Usbec, Kachguer, Tartar and Catay, Pegu, China and Matchina did tremble at the name of the. kings of Indostan. Admirable geography ! You should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all those different states of the world, and well to understand their strength, their way of fighting, their customs, rehgions, governments, and interests ; and, by the perusal of solid lustory,.to observe their rise, progBess, decay, and whence, how, and by what accidents and errors those great changes and revolutions of empires and kingdoms have happened. I have scarce learnt of you the name of my grandsires, the famous founders of this empire : so far were you from having taught me the history of their fife, and what course they took to make such great conquests. You had a mind to teach me the Arabian tongiie, to read and to write. I am much obliged to you, forsooth, for having made me lose so much time upon a language that no superior amongst the many distinguished [376] of his race ; but that sin by which ' angels fell ' had steeped him in an ocean of guilt, and not only neutralized his natural capacities, but converted the means for unlimited power into an engine of self requires ten or twelve years to attain to its perfection ; as if the son of a king should think it to be an honour to him to be a grammarian or some doctor of the law, and to learn other languages than those of his neighbours, when he cannot well bo without them ; he, to whom time is so precious for so many weighty things, which he ought by times to learn. As if there were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy, and even with a kind of debasement, employ itself in so sad and dry an exercise, so longsoni and tedious, as is that of learning words.'
" Thus did Arung-Zebe resent the pedantic instructions of his tutor ; to which 'tis affirmed in that court, that after some entertainment which he had with others, he further added the following reproof : " ' Know you not, that childhood well govern'd, being a state which is ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands of good precepts and instructions, which remain deeply impressed the whole remainder of a man's life, and keep the mind always raised for great actions ? The law, prayers, and science, may they not as well be learned in our mother tongue as in Arabick ? You told my father, Chah Jehan, that you would teach me philosophy. 'Tis true, I remember very well, that you have cntertain'd me for many years with airy questions of tilings that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind, and are of no use in humane society, empty notions and mere phancies, that have only this in them, that they are very hard to understand and very easie to forget, which are only capable to tire and spoil a good understanding, and to breed an opinion that is insupportable. I still remember, that after you had thus amused me, I know not how long, with your fine philosophy, all I retained of it was a multitude of barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, perplex, and tire out the best wits, and only invented the better to cover the vanity and ignorance of men hke yourself, that would make us believe that they know all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words are hid great mysteries which they alone are capable to understand. If you had season'd me with that plulosophy which formeth the mind to ratiocination, and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but solid reasons, if you had given me those excellent precepts and doctrines which raise the soul above the assaults of fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper, and permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity nor debased by adversity ; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are and what are the first principles of things, and had assisted me in forming in my mind a fit idea of the greatness of the universe, and of the admirable order and motion of the parts thereof ; if, I say, you had instdled into me this kind of philosophy, I should think myself incomparably more obhged to you than Alexander was to his Aristotle, and believe it my duty to recompense you otherwise than he did him. Should not you, instead of your flattery, have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a destruction. " This hypocrisy," says the eloquent Orme, 1 " encreased with his power, and in order to palliate to his Maho medan subjects the crimes by which he had become their sove reign, he determined to enforce the conversion of the Hindoos by the severest penalties, and even threatned the sword ; as if the blood of his subjects were to wash away the stains, with which he was imbrued by the blood of his family. . . . Labour left the field and industry the loom, until the decrease of the revenues drew representations from the governors of the pro vinces ; which induced Aurungzebe to substitute a capitation tax 2 as the ballance of the account between the two religions." The same historian justly characterizes this enactment as one so contrary to all notions of sound policy, as well as of the feelings of humanity, that " reflection seeks the motive with amazement." In this amazement we might remain, nor seek to develop the motive, did not the ample page of history in all [377] nations disclose that in the name of rehgion more blood has been shed, and more atrocity committed, than by the united action of the whole catalogue of the passions. Muhammad's creed was based on conversion, which, by whatever means effected, was a plenary atonement for every crime. In obedience thereto Aurangzeb acted ; but though myriads of victims who clung to their faith were sacrificed by him at the fiat of this gladiatorial prophet, yet nor these, nor the scrupulous fulfilment of fanatic observances, could soothe at the dread hour the perturbations of the ' still small voice ' which whispered the names of father, brother, son, bereft by him of life. Eloquently does he portray these terrors in his letters to his grandson on his death-bed, wherein he says, and that an offended divinity [378] .3 king, which is, what the reciprocal duties are of a sovereign to his subjects and those of subjects to their sovereign ; and ought not you to have con sidered, that one day I should be obhged witli the sword to dispute my life and thfe crown with my brothers ? Is not that the destiny almost of all the sons of Indostan ? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn, what 'tis to besiege a town or to set an army in array ? For tliese things I am obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the village whence you are come, and let nobody know who you are or what is become of you.' " [For another version of th's speech see Bcrnier 154 ff., Manucci ii. 30 fl:.]
1 [Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, ed. 1782, p. 101. The quotation in the text has been corrected.] 2 The Jizya. 3 I deem it right, in order further to illustrate the cultivated understand
Raja Raj Singh defies Aurangzeb
Raj Singh had signalized his accession by the revival of the warlike Tika-daur, and plundered ing of Aurangzeb, to annex the letters written to his sons a few days before his death. With such talents, with so just a conception as these and the rebuke to his tutor evince of his kiaowledgo of the right, what might he not have been had not fell ambition misguided him !
■' To Shaw Azim Shaw. [Shah Azam Shah.] " Health to thee ! my heart is near thee. Old age is arrived : weakness subdues me, and strength has forsaken all my members. I came a stranger into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of myself, what I am, and for what I am destined. The instant which passed in power, hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the guardian and pro tector of the empire. My valuable time has been passed vainly. I had a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his glorious light was unseen by my dim sight. Life is not lasting, there is no vestige of departed breath, and all hopes from futurity are lost. The fever has left me, but nothing of me remains but skin and bono. My son (Kaum Buksh), though gone towards Beejapore, is still near ; and thou, my son, are yet nearer. The worthy of esteem, Shaw Aulum, is far distant ; and my grandson (Azeem Ooshauu), by the orders of God, is arrived near Hindostan. The camp and followers, helpless and alarmed, are hke myself, full of affliction, restless as the quicksilver. Separated from their lord, they know not if they have a master or not.
" I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of man, carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what torments I may be punished. Though I have strong rehance on the mercies and bounty of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not quit me ; but when I am gone, reflection will not remain. Come then what may, I have launched my vessel to the waves. Though Providence will protect the camp, yet, regarding appearances, the endeavours of my sons are indis pensably incumbent. Give my last prayers to my grandson (Bedar Bukht), whom I cannot see, but the desire affects me. The Begum (his daughter) appears affhcted ; but God is the only judge of hearts. The foolish thoughts of women produce nothing but disappointment. FareweU ! farewell ! farewell ! " [This letter is printed by H. Bihmoria, Letters oj Aurangzeb, 71 f.]
" To the Prince Kaum Buksh. [Kambakhsh.] " My son, nearest to my heart. Though in the height of my power, and by God's permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the greatest pains, yet, as it was not the divine will, you did not attend with the ears of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my own ineignificance, what does it profit nie ? I carry with me the fruits of my sins and imperfec tions. Surprising Providence ! I came here alone, and alone I depart. The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The fever which troubled me for twelve days has left me. Wherever I look, I see nothing but the divinity. My fears for the camp and foUowers are great : but, alas ! I know not myself. My back is bent with weakness, and my feet have lost the powers of motion. The breath which rose is gone, and left not even Malpura, which though on the Ajmer frontier, Shah Jahan, when advised to vengeance, replied " it was only a folly of his nephew." 1 An appeal to his gallantry made him throw down the gauntlet to Aurangzeb in the plenitude of his power, when the valour of the Sesodias again burst forth in all the splendour of the days of Partap ; nor did the contest close till after a series of brilliant victories, and with the narrow escape from captivity of the Xerxes of Hindustan. The Mogul demanded the hand of the princess of Rupnagar, a junior branch of the Marwar house, and sent with the demand (a compliance with which was contemplated
hope behind it. I have committed numerous crimes, and know not with what punishments I may be seized. Though the protector of mankind will guard the camp, yet care is incumbent also on the faitliful and my sons. When I was ahve, no care was taken ; and now I am gone, the consequence may be guessed. The guardianship of a people is the trust by God com mitted to my sons. Azim Shaw is near. Be cautious that none of the faitliful are slain, or their miseries fall upon my head. I resign you, your mother and son, to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death come ujion me fast. Behadur Shaw is still where he was, and his son is arrived near Hindostan. Bedar Bukht is in Guzarat. Hyaut al Nissa, who has beheld no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows. Regard the Begum as without concern. Odiporee, your mother, was a partner in my illness, and wishes to accompany me in death ; but every thing has its appointed time.
" The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be ill treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art. Extend your feet no lower than your skirt. The couiplaints of the unpaid troops are as before. Dara Shelckoh, though of much judgment and good under standing, settled large pensions on his people, but paid them ill and they were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever good or evil I have done, it Avas for you. Take it not amiss, nor rememlier what offences I have done to yourself ; that account may not be demanded of me hereafter. No one has seen the departure of his own soul ; but 1 see that mine is departing " {Memoirs of Eradut Khan). See Scott's Hist, of the Dekhan [ii. Part iv.]. [This letter, with some variants, is printed by Billmoria, 73 f.]
1 The emperor was the adojited brother of Rana Karan.
- Orriie [Fragments, 119] calls her a Cashmerian ; certainly she was not
a daughter of the Rana's family, though it is not impossible she may have been of one of the great families of Shahpura or Banera (then acting in dependently of the Rana), and her desire to burn shows her to have been Rajput. [" Such an inference is wrong, because a Hindu princess on marrying a Muslim king lost her caste and rehgion, and received Islamic burial. We read of no Rajputni of the harem of any of the Mughal emperors having burnt herself with her deceased husband, for the very good reason that a Mushm's corpse is buried and not burnt. Evidently Udipuri meant that she would kill herself in passionate grief on the death of Aurangzib " (Jadunath Sarkar i. 64, note).] as certain) a cortege of two thousand horse to escort the fair to court. But the haughty Rajputni, either indignant at such precipitation or charmed with the gallantry of the Rana, who had e^dnced his devotion to the fair by measuring his sword with the head of her house, rejected with disdain the proffered alliance, and, justified by brilliant precedents in the romantic history of her nation, she entrusted her cause to the arm of the chief of the RajjDut race, offering herself as the reward of protection. The family priest (her preceptor) deemed his office honoured by being the messenger of her wishes, and the billet he conveyed is in corporated in the memorial of this reign. " Is the swan to be the mate of the stork : a Rajputni, pure in blood, to be wife to the monkey- faced barbarian ! " concluding with a threat of self destruction if not saved from dishonour. This appeal, with other powerful motives, was seized on with avidity by the Rana as a pretext to throw away the scabbard, in order to illustrate the opening of a warfare, in which he determined to put all to the hazard in defence of his country and his faith. The issue was an omen of success to his warlike and [379] superstitious vassalage. With a chosen band he rapidly passed the foot of the Aravalli and appeared before Hupnagar, cut up the imperial guards, and bore off the prize to his capital. The daring act was applauded by all who bore the name of Rajput, and his chiefs with joy gathered their retainers around the ' red standard,' to protect the queen so gallantly achieved.
