Mewar 22: Rana Jai Singh
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Mewar 22: Rana Jai Singh
Rana Jai Singh, a.d. 1680-98
Rana Jai Singh took possession of the Gaddi 1 in S. 1737 (a.d. 1681). A circumstance occurred at his birth, which as descriptive of manners may deserve notice. A few hours only intervened between his entrance into the world and that of another son called Bhim. ,It is customary for the father to bind round the arm of the new-born infant a root of that species of grass called the amardub, the ' imiperishable ' dub, well known for its nutritive properties and luxuriant vegetation under the most intense heat. 2 The Rana first attached the ligature round the arm of the youngest, apparently an oversight, though in fact from superior affection for his mother. As the boys approached to manhood, the Rana, apprehensive that this preference might create dissension, one day drew his sword, and placing it in the hand of Bhim (the elder), said, it was better to use it at once on his brother, than hereafter to endanger the safety of the State. This [392] appeal to his generosity had an instantaneous effect, and he not only ratified, ' by his father's throne,' 3 the acknowledgment of the sovereign rights of his brother, but declared, to remove all fears, " he was not his son if he again drank water within the pass of Debari " ; and, collect ing his retainers, he abandoned Udaipur to court Fortune where she might be kinder. The day was sultry, and on reaching the barrier he halted tmder the shade of a sacred fig-tree to bestow a last look upon the place of his birth. His cup-bearer {Paniyari) brought his sUver goblet filled from the cool fountain, but as he
1 ' The Cushion,' by -which a Rajput tlirone is designated. 2 [Dub, Cynodon dactylon, the most common and useful Indian grass (Watt, Comm. Prod., 463 f).] 3 Gaddi hi an. raised it to his lips, he recollected that his vow was incomplete while within the portal ; he poured the libation on the earth in the name of the Supreme, and casting the cup as an offering to the deity of the fountain, the huge gates closed upon the valley. He proceeded to Bahadur Shah, who conferred upon him the dignity (niansab) of a leader of three thousand five hundred horse, with the Bawana, or fifty-two districts for their support : but quarrelling with the imperial general, he was detached with his contingent west of the Indus, where he died.1
Treaty between Rana Jai Singh and Aurangzeb
Let us return to Jai Singh {the lion of victory). He concluded a treaty with Aurangzeb, conducted by Prince Azam and Dilir Khan, who took every occasion to testify his gratitude for the clemency of Rana Raj Singh, when blockaded in the defiles of the Aravalli. At this conference, the Rana was attended by ten thousand horse and forty thousand foot, besides the multitude collected from the momitams to view the ceremony, above one hundred thousand souls, who set up a shout of joy at the prospect of revisiting the plams, which disconcerted Azam, while Dilir expatiated on the perils from which the Rana's generosity had liberated him. Azam, who said he was no stranger to the Rana's illustrious house, concluded a treaty on the spot, in which, as a salvo for the imperial dignity, a nommal fine and surrender of three districts were inserted for aiding Akbar's rebellion, and a hint that the regal colour {crimson) of his tents and umbrella [393] should be dis continued. That advantages were gained by the Rana, we may infer from Dilir' s sons being left as hostages for Azam's good faith ; a fact we learn from his farewell address to the Rana ! " Your nobles are rude, and my children are the hostages of your safety ; but if at the expense of their lives I can obtain the entire
1 I give these anecdotes as related to me by his descendant and repre sentative the Raja of Banera, while seated in a balcony of his castle over looking the plains of Mewar. Often have I quenched my thirst at the fountain, and hstened to their traditionary tales. It is a spot consecrated to recollections : every altar which rises around it is a text for the ' great ancients ' of the clans to expatiate on ; and it is, moreover, a grand place of rendezvous, whether for the traveller or sportsman. Bhim dislocated his spine in a feat of strength. He was celebrated for activity, and could, while his steed was urged to his speed, disengage and suspend himself by the arms from the bough of a tree ; and to one of these experiments he owed his death. restoration of your country, keep your mind at ease, for there was friendship between your father and me."
The Jaisamund Lake
But all other protection than what his sword afforded was futile ; and though Dilir's intentions were noble, he had little control over events : in less than five years after his accession, the Rana was again forced to fly the plains for the inaccessible haunts of Kamori. Yet, in spite of these untoward circumstances and luiinterrupted warfare, such were the resources of this little State that the Rana completed a work which perpetuates his name. He threw a dam across a break in the moxintains, the channel of an ever-flowing stream, by which he formed the largest lake in India,1 giving it his own name, the Jaisamund, or sea of victory. Nature had furnished the hint for this undertaking, for there had always existed a considerable volume of water ; but the Rana had the merit of uniting these natural buttresses, and creating a Uttle sea from the Dhebar pool, its ancient appellation. The circumference cannot be less than thirty miles, and the benefits to cultivation, especially in respect to the article of rice, which requires perpetual irrigation, were great. On this huge rampart he erected a palace for his favourite queen, Komaladevi, a princess of the Pramara race, famiharly known as the Ruthi Rani, or ' testy queen.'
Rana Jai Singh and his heir Amar Singh
Domestic unhappi ness appears to have generated in the Rana inaptitude to state affairs ; and, unluckily, the favoured queen estranged him from his son. Amra, a name venerated in Mewar, was that of the heir of Jai Singh. His mother was of the Bundi house, a family which has performed great services to, and brought great calami ties upon, the ancient sovereigns of Mewar. To the jealousies of the rival queens, one of them mother to the heir, the other the favourite of the sovereign, are attributed dissensions, which at such a juncture were a greater detriment than the loss of a battle, and which afford another illustration, if any were wanting, of the impolicy of polygamy. The seldom exhibit those unnatural contentions for power, from which no other Hindu State was exempt ; this was owing to the wholesome regulation of not investing the princes of the blood with any [394] 1 [The Bhojpur lake, which covered an area of 250 square miles, was much larger, the Jaisamund covering only 21 square miles (Smith, EHl, 39G ; Erskine ii. A. 8 f.).] political authority ; and establishing as a counterpoise to natural advantages an artificial degradation of their rank, which placed them beneath the sixteen chief nobles of the State ; which, while it exalted these in their own estimation, lessened the national humillation, when the heirs-apparent were compelled to lead their quota in the arriere-ban of the empire.
Rebehion of Amar Singh
Rana Jai Singh, who had evinced such gallantry and activity in the wars of Aurangzeb, now secluded himself with Komala in the retreat of Jaisamund, leaving Amra imder the guidance of the Pancholi 1 minister, at the capital. But he having personally insulted this chief officer of the State, is consequence of receiving a rebuke for turning loose an in furiated elephant in the town, the Rana left his retreat, and visiting Chitor in his tour, arrived at Udaipur. Amra awaited not his father's arrival, but adding his mother's resentments to a feeling of patriotic indignation at the abasement his indolence produced, fled to Bundi, took up arms, and, joined by many of his owia nobles and Hara auxiliaries, returned at the head of ten thousand men. Desirous of averting civil war, the Rana retired to Godwar beyond the Aravalli, whence he sent the Ghanerao chieftain, the first feudatory of that department, to expostulate with his son. But Amra, supported by three-fourths of the nobles, made direct for Kumbhalmer to secure the State treasure, saved by the Depra governor for his sovereign. A failure in this project, the knowledge that the Rathors fostered the quarrel with a view to obtain Godwar, and the determination of the few chiefs yet faithful 2 to the Rana, to defend the Jhilwara pass to the last, made the prince listen to terms, which were ratified at the shrine of EkJinga, whereby the Rana was to return to the capital, and the prince to abide in exile at the new palace during the life of his father, which closed twenty years after his accession. Had he maintained the reputation he established in his early years, the times were well calculated for the redemption of his country's independence ; but documents which yet exist afford little reason to doubt that in his latter years a state of indolence, 1 [Pancholi, Panchauli, of wiiich the derivation is uncertain, perhajis pancha-kula, ' five houses,' is the local title of the Desi or Mathur Kayasths, or writer caste {Census Report Marwar, 1891, ii. 111).] 2 Beri Sal of Bijoha, Kandal of Salumbar, Gopinath of Ghanerao, and the Solanki of Desuri. having all the effects of imbecility, supervened, and but for the formation of ' the victorious sea,' would have left his name a blank in the traditional history of Mewar.
Rana Amar Singh II., a.d.. 1698-1710
Amra II., who suc ceeded in S. 1756 (a.d. 1700), had much of the gallantry [395] and active turn of mind of his illustrious namesake ; but the degrading conflict with his father had much impaired the moral strength of the country, and counteracted the advantages which might have resulted from the decline of the Mogul power. The reigns of Raj Singh and Jai Singh illustrate the obvious truth, that on the personal character of the chief of a feudal government everything depends. The former, infusing by his talent and energy patriotic sentiments into all his subordinates, vanquished in a series of conflicts the vast military resources of the empire, led by the emperor, his sons, and chosen generals ; while his successor, heir to this moral strength, and with every collateral aid, lowered her to a stage of contempt from which no talent could subsequently raise her.
Amra early availed himself of the contentions amongst the sons of Aurangzeb to anticipate events, and formed a private treaty 1 with the Mogul heir-apparent, Shah Alam, when com 2 " Private Treaty between the Rana and Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, and bearing his sign-manual. " Six articles of engagement, just, and tending to the happiness of the people, have been submitted by you, and by mo accepted, and with God's " 1. The re-establishment of Chitor as in the time of Shah Jahan. " 2. Prohibition of kine-kilhng.*
- From the second of these articles, which alternate between stipulations
of a temporal and spiritual nature, we may draw a lesson of great poMtical importance. In ail the treaties which have come under my observation, the insertion of an article against the slaughter of kine was prominent. This sacrifice to their national prejudices was the subject of discussion with every ambassador when the States of Rajasthan formed engagements with the British Government in 18f 7-18, " the prohibition of kine-kilhng within their respective hunts." From the construction of our armies we could not guarantee this article, but assurances were given that every practical atten tion would be paid to their wishes ; and kine are not absolutely slain within the jurisdiction of any of these Rajput princes. But even long habit, though it has famiharized, has not reconciled them to this revolting sacrifice ; nor would the kine-killer in Mewar be looked upon with less detestation than was Cambyses by the Egyptians, when he thrust his lance into the fiank of Apis. But in time this will be overlooked, and the verbal assurance manded to the countries west of the Indus, on which occasion [396] the Mewar contingent 1 accompanied him, and fought several gallant actions under a Saktawat chieftain.
Breach between the Rajputs and the Mughal Empire
It is important to study the events of this period, which involved the overthrow of the IMogul power, and originated that form of society which paved the way to the dominion of Britain in these distant regions. From such a review a political lesson of great value may be learned, which will show a beacon warning us against the danger of trusting to mere physical power, unaided "3. The restoration of all the districts held in the reign of Shah Jahan. " 4. Freedom of faith and religious worship, as during the government of him whose nest is Paradise (Akbar). " 5. Whoever shall be dismissed by you shall receive no countenance from the Icing. " 6. The abrogation of the contingent for the service of the Deccan." *
1 It consisted of twenty-two Nakkarahand chiefs, i.e. each entitled to a kettle-drum, and fifteen Turais, or chiefs, entitled to brass trumpets. [" As a mark of favour, kettle-drums (naqqdrah) and the right to play them (naubat) might be granted to a subject, but ho must be a man of the rank of 2000 sawar (troopers) or upwards. As an invariable condition, however, it was stipulated they should not be used when the Emperor was present, or within a certain distance from his residence " (Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 30, 208 f.).] will become a dead letter ; men of good intention will be lulled into the belief that, because not openly combated, the prejudice is extinct, and that homage to our power has obliterated this article of their creed. Thus Aurangzeb thought, but he avowedly and boldly opposed the religious opinions of his tributaries ; we only hold them in contempt, and even pro tect them when productive of no sacrifice. Yet if we look back on the early page of history, we shaU find both policy and benevolence combined to form this legislative protection to one of the most useful of domestic animals, and which would tempt the belief that Triptolemus, the lawgiver of Sparta, had borrowed from Manu [Latus, xi. 60, 69, 71], or rather from the still greater friends of dumb creatiires, the Jains, in the law which exempted not only the lordly bull from the knife, but " every Uving thing."
- The Mewar contingent had been serving under Azam in the south, as
" Be it known to Rana Amra Singh, your arzi [petition]"'arrived, and the accounts of your mother gave me great grief, but against the decrees of God there is no struggling. Pray for my welfare. Raja Rae Singh made a request for you ; you are my own ; rest in full confidence and continue in your obedience. The lands of your illustrious ancestors shall all be yours but this is the time continue to think of me." " Your Rajputs have behaved well." by the latent, but more durable support of moral influence. When Aurangzeb neglected the indigenous Rajputs, he en dangered the keystone of his power ; and in despising opinion, though his energetic mind might for a time render him independent of it, yet long before his death the enormous fabric reared by Akbar was tottering to its foundation : demonstrating to convic tion that the highest order of talent, either for government or war, though aided by unlimited resources, will not suffice for the maintenance of power, unsupported by the affections of the governed. The empire of Aurangzeb was more extensive than the elements of stability were in comparably more tenacious : he was associated with the Rajputs by blood, which seemed to guarantee a respect for their opinions ; he possessed the power of distributing the honours and emolu ments of the state when a service could be rewarded by a pro vince,1 drawing at will supplies of warriors from the mountains of the west, as a check on his indigenous subjects, while these left the plains of India to control the Afghan amidst the snows of Caucasus. But the most devoted attachment and most faithful service were repaid by insults to their habits, and the imposition of an obnoxious tax ; and to the jizya, and the unwdse pertinacity with which his successors adhered to it, must be directly ascribed the overthrow of the monarchy. No condition was exempted from this odious and impolitic assessment, which was deemed by the tyrant a mild substitute for the conversion he once meditated of the entire Hindu race to the creed of Islam. 2 1 In lieu of all, what reward does Britain hold out to the native popula tion to be attached ? Heavy duties exclude many products of their industry from the home market. The rates of pay to civil officers afford no security to integrity ; and the faithful soldier cannot aspire to higher reward than £1 20 per annum, were his breast studded with medals. Even their prejudices are often too little considered, prejudices, the violation of which lost the throne of India, in spite of every local advantage, to the descendants of Aurangzeb. 2 [Jizya, meaning ' tribute,' was a capitation tax imposed on subjects {zimmi) who did not follow the state religion, Islam. Its hardship lay in the fact that it was additional to, and about the same amount as the revenue demand, the latter being thus nearly doubled. Great merchants in the time of Aurangzeb paid Rs. 13.8 ; the middle class Rs. 6.12 ; the poor Rs. 3.8 per annum per head (Manucci ii. 234). On the Jizya see Hughes, Diet. Islam, 248 ; Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 65 f. ; Keene, Turks in India, 153 ff. ; Grant Duff, Hist, of the Mahrattas, 145; Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, iii. 305 iL]
Rajput Apostates
An abandonment of their faith was the Rajput's surest road to the tyrant's favour [397], and an instance of this dereliction in its consequences powerfully contributed to the annihilation of the empire. Rao Gopal, a branch of the Rana's family, held the fief of Rampura, on the Chambal, 1 and was serving with a select quota of his clan in the wars of the Deccan, when his son, who had been left at home, withheld the revenues, which he applied to his own use instead of remitting them to his father. Rao Gopal complained to the emperor ; but the son discovered that he could by a sacrifice not only appease Aurangzeb, but attain the object of his wishes : he apostatized from his faith, and obtained the emperor's forgiveness, with the domain of Rampura. Disgusted and provoked at such infurious conduct, Rao Gopal fled the camp, made an unsuccessful attempt to redeem his estate, and took refuge with Rana Amra, his suzerain. This natural asylum granted to a chief of his own kin was construed by the tyrant into a signal of revolt, and Azam was ordered to Malwa to watch the Rana's motions : conduct thus characterized in the memoirs of a Rajput chieftain,2 one of the most devoted to Aurangzeb, and who died fighting for his son. " The emperor showed but little favour to his faithful and most useful subjects the Rajputs, which greatly cooled their ardour in his service." The Rana took up arms, and Malwa joined the tumult ; while the first irruption of the Mahrattas across the Nerbudda, 3 under Nima Sindhia, compelled the em peror to detach Raja Jai Singh to join Prince Azam. Amidst these accumulated troubles, the Mahrattas rising into importance, the Rajput feudatories disgusted and alienated, his sons and grandsons ready to commit each individual pretension to the decision of the sword, did Aurangzeb, after a reign of terror of half a century's duration, breathe his last on the 28th Zilqa'da, a.d. 1707 [February 21], at the city bearing his name Aurangabad.
1 Rampura Bhanpura (city of the sun) to distinguish it from Rampura Tonk. Rao Gopal was of the Chandarawat clan. See note, p. 306. 2 Rao Dalpat Bundela of Datia, a portion of whose memoirs were pre sented to me by the reigning prince, his descendant. 3 A.D. 1706-7. [The Mahrattas crossed the Nerbudda in 1705 (Grant Duff, Hist. Mahrattas, 177 ; Malcolm, Memoir Central India, i. 58 ff.). The latter remarks that they came to attack the government, not the people, and acted with the concurrence of the Plindu chiefs discontented with the policy of Aurangzeb.]
Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, Emperor, a.d. 1707-12
At his death his second, son Azani assumed the imperial dignity, and aided by the Rajput princes of Datia and Kotah,1 who had always served in his division, he marched to Agra to contest the legitimate claims of his eldest brother Muazzam, who was ad vancing from Kabul supported by the contingents of Mewar and Marwar, and all western Rajwara. The battle of Jajau [398] 2 was fatal to Azam, who with his son Bedarbakht and the princes of Kotah and Datia was slain, when Muazzam ascended the throne under the title of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah. This prince had many qualities which endeared him to the Rajputs, to whom his sympathies were united by the ties of blood, his mother being a Rajput princess.3 Had he immediately succeeded the bene ficent Shah Jahan, the race of Timur, in all human probability, would have been still enthroned at Delhi, and might have pre sented a picture of one of the most powerful monarchies of Asia. But Aurangzeb had inflicted an incurable wound on the mind of the Hindu race, which for ever estranged them from his successors ; nor were the virtues of Bahadur, during the short lustre of his sway, capable of healing it. The bitter fruit of a long experience had taught the Rajputs not to hope for amelioration from any graft of that stem, which, like the deadly Upas, had stifled the vital energies of Rajasthan, whose leaders accordingly formed a league for mutual preservation; which it would have been madness to dissolve merely because a fair portion of virtue was the in heritance of the tyrant's successor. They had proved that no act of duty or subserviency could guarantee them from the infatuated abuse of power, and they were at length steeled against every appeal to their loyalty, replying with a trite adage, which we may translate ' quern Deus vult perdere, prius de.mentat, — of common application with the Rajput in such a predicament.
