Mewar 25: Rana Partap Singh India
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Mewar 25: Rana Partap Singh India
Rana Partap Singh II., a.d. 1751-54
Partap II. succeeded in A.D. 1752. Of the history of this prince, who renewed the most ilhistrious name in the annals of Mewar, tliere is nothing to record beyond the fact, that the three years he occupied the throne were marked by so many Mahratta invasions 1 and war contributions. By a daughter of Raja Jai Singh of Amber he had a son, who succeeded him.
Rana Raj Singh II., a.d, 1754-61
Rana Raj Singh II. was as Little entitled to the name he bore as his predecessor. During the seven years he held the dignity at least seven shoals of the Southrons overran Mewar,2 and so exhausted this country, that the Rana was compelled to ask pecuniary aid from the Brahman collector of the tribute, to enable him to marry the Rathor chieftain's daughter. On his death the order of succession retro graded, devolving on his uncle [426],
Rana Ari Singh II., a.d. 1761-73
Rana Arsi, in S. 1818, A.D. 1762. The levity of Jagat Singh, the inexperience of his successors Partap and Raj Singh, with the ungovernable temper of Rana Arsi, and the circumstances under which he succeeded to power, introduced a train. of disorders which proved fatal to Mewar. Until this period not a foot of territory had been alien ated. The wisdom of the Pancholi ministers, and the high respect paid by the organ of the Satara government, for a while preserved its integrity ; but when the country was divided by factions, and the Mahrattas, ceasing to be a federate body, prowled in search of prey under leaders, each having an interest of his own, they formed political combinations to suit the ephe meral purposes of the former, but from which they alone reaped advantage. An attempt to depose Partap and set up his uncle Nathji introduced a series of rebellions, and constituted Malhar Rao Holkar, who had already become master of a considerable
1 The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath Bao. 2 In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal Rao; in 1814, Ranaji Burtia : in 1813 three war contributions were levied, namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon. portion of the domain of Mewar, the umpire in their family disputes.
Malhar Rao Holkar invades Mewar. Famine, a.d. 1764
The ties of blood or of princely gratitude are feeble bonds if political expediency demands their dissolution ; and'Madho Singh, when firmly established on the throne of Amber, repaid the immense sacrifices by which the Rana had effected it by assigning his jftef of Rampura, which he had not a shadow of right to alienate, to Holkar : this was the first limb severed from Mewar.1 Holkar had also become the assignee of the tribute imposed by Bajirao, but from which the Rana justly deemed himself exempt, when the terms of all further encroachment in Mewar were set at nought. On the plea of recovering these arrears, and the rent of some districts 2 on the Chambal, Malhar, after many threatening letters, invaded Mewar, and his threats of occupying the capital were only checked by draining their exliausted resources of six hundred thousand pounds.3 In the same year 4 a famine afflicted them, when flour and tamarinds were equal in value, and were sold at the rate of a rupee for one pound and a half. Four years subsequent to this, civil war broke out and continued to influence all posterior proceedings, rendering [427] the inhabitants of this unhappy country a prey to every invader until 1817, when they tasted repose under British protection.
Civil War in Mewar. Revolt of Ratan Singh
The real cause of this rebellion must ever remain a secret : for while some regard it as a patriotic effort on the part of the people to redeem themselves from foreign domination, others discover its motive in the selfishness of the hostile clans, who supported or opposed the succession of Rana Arsi. This prince is accused of having unfairly acquired the crown, by the removal of his nephew Raj Singh ; but though the traditional anecdotes of the period furnish
1 This was in S. 1808 (a.d. 1752) ; portions, however, remained attached to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of the feudal lands of the Chandarawat chief of Am ad. Of the former, the Rana retained Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu. These were surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new appellation of Malhargarh. 2 Budsu, etc. 3 Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and the Rana's foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of fifty-one lakhs of rupees. 4 S. 1820, a.d. 1764. strong grounds of suspicion, there is nothing which affords a direct confirmation of the crime. It is, however, a public mis fortune when the Hne of succession retrogrades in Mewar : Arsi had no right to expect the inheritance he obtained, having long held a seat below the sixteen chief nobles ; and as one of the ' infants ' (babas) he was incorporated with the second class of nobles with an appanage of only £3000 per annum. His defects of character had been too closely contemplated by his compeers, and had kindled too many enmities, to justify expectation that the adventitious dignity he had attained would succeed in obliter ating the memory of them ; and past familiarity alone destroyed the respect which was exacted by sudden greatness. His insolent demeanour estranged the first of the home nobility, the Sadri chieftain,1 whose ancestor at Haldighat acquired a claim to the perpetual gratitude of the Sesodias, while to an unfeeling pun on a personal defect of Jaswant Singh of Deogarh is attributed the hatred and revenge of this powerful branch of the Chondawats. These chiefs formed a party which eventually entrained many of lesser note to depose their sovereign, and immediately set up a youth called Ratna Singh, declared to be the posthumous son of the last Rana by the daughter of the chief of Gogunda, though to this hour disputes run high as to whether he was really the son of Raj Singh, or merely the puppet [428] of a faction. Be the fact as it may, he was made a rallying point for the disaffected, who soon comprehended the greater portion of the nobles, while out of the ' sixteen ' greater chiefs five ' only withstood the
1 An autograph letter of this chief's to the minister of the day I obtained, with other pubhc documents, from the descendant of the PanchoH : " To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compli from old times you have been my friend, and have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the Rana's house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my heart is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go to Gaya.* When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically told me I might go to Dwarka.")+ If I stay, the Rana will restore the villages in my fief, as during the time of Jethji. My ancestors have performed good service, and I have served since I was fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is the time." 2 Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Radnor. + Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs. + Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes. defection : of these, Salumbar, the hereditary premier, at first espoused, but soon abandoned, the cause of the Pretender ; not from the principle of loyalty which his descendants take credit for, but from finding the superiority of intellect of the heads of the rebellion 1 (which now counted the rival Saktawats) too powerful for the supremacy he desired. Rasant Pal, of the Depra tribe, was invested with the office of Pardhan to the Pretender. The ancestor of this man accompanied Samarsi in the twelfth century from Delhi, where he held a high office in the household of Prithiraj, the last emperor of the Hindus, and it is a distinguished proof pf the hereditary quality of official dignity to find his descendant, after the lapse of centuries, still holding office with the nominal title of Pardhan. The Futuri 2 (by which name the court still designates the Pretender) took post with his faction in Kumbhalmer ; where he was formally installed, and whence he promulgated his decrees as Rana of Mewar. With that heedlessness of consequences and the political debasement which are invariable concomitants of civil dissension, they had the meanness to invite Sindhia to their aid, with a promise of a reward of more than one million sterling ' on the dethronement of Arsi.
Zalim Singh of Kotah
This contest first brought into notice one of the most celebrated Rajput chiefs of India, Zalim Singh of Kotah, who was destined to fill a distinguished part in the annals of Rajasthan, but more especially in Mewar, where his political sagacity first developed itself. Though this is not the proper place to delineate his history, which will occupy a subse quent portion of the work, it is impossible to trace the events with which he was so closely connected without adverting slightly to the part he acted in these scenes. The attack on Kotah, of which his father was military governor (during the struggle to place Madho Singh on the throne of Amber), by Isari Singh, in conjunction with Sindhia, was the first avenue to his distinguished career, leading to an acquaintance with the Mahratta chiefs, which linked him with their policy for more than half a century [429]. Zalim having lost his prince's favour, whose path in love
1 Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Koth aria, and Kanor. 2 Agitator, or disturber. 3 One crore and twenty-five lakhs. he had dared to cross, repaired, on his banishment from Kotah, to the Rana, who, observing his talents, enrolled him amongst his chiefs, and conferred on him, with the title of Raj Rana, the lands of Chitarkhera for his support. By his advice the Mahratta leaders, Raghu Paigawala and Daula Miyan, with their bands, were called in by the Rana, who, setting aside the ancient Pan choli ministry, gave the seals of office to Agarji Mehta. At this period (S. 1824, a.d . 1768), Mahadaji Sindhia was at Ujjain, whither the conflicting parties hastened, each desirous of obtaining the chieftain's support. But the Pretender's proposals had been already entertained, and he was then encamped with Sindhia on the banks of the Sipra.1
Battle at the Sipra, and Siege ofUdaipur, a.d. 1769
The Rana's force, conducted by the chief of Salumbar, the Rajas of Shahpura and Banera, with Zalim Singh and the Mahratta auxiliaries, did not hesitate to attack the combined camp, and for a moment they were victorious, driving Mahadaji and the Pretender from the field, with great loss, to the gates of Ujjain. Here, however, they rallied, and being joined by a fresh body of troops, the battle was renewed with great disadvantage to the Rajputs, who, deeming the day theirs, had broken and dispersed to plunder. The chiefs of Salumbar, Shahpura, and Banera were slain, and the auxiliary Daula Miyan, Raja Man (ex-prince of Narwar), and Raj Kalyan, the heir of Sadri, severely wounded . Zalim Singh had his horse killed under him, and being left wounded on the field, was made prisoner, but hospitably treated by Trimbak Rao, father to the celebrated Ambaji. The discomfited troops retreated to Udaipur while the Pretender's party remained with Sindhia, inciting him to invest that capital and place Ratna on the throne. Some time, however, elapsed before he could carry this design into execution ; when at the head of a large force the Mahratta chief gained the passes and besieged the city. The Rana's cause now appeared hopeless. Bhim Singh of Salumbar, uncle and successor to the chief slain at Ujjain, with the Rathor chief of Radnor (descendant of Jaimall), were the only nobles of high rank who defended their prince and capital in this emergency ; but the energies of an individual saved both.
Amar Chand, Minister of Mewar
Amra Chand Barwa, of the 1 [The Sipra iliver in Malwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the Chambal {IGl, xxiii. U f.).] mercantile class, had held office in the preceding reigns, when his influence retarded the progress of evils which no human means could avert. He was now displaced, and little solicitous of recovering his [430] transient power, amidst hourly increasing difficulties, with a stubborn and unpopular prince, a divided aristocracy, and an impoverished country. He was aware also of his own imperious temper, which was as imgovernable as his sovereign's, and which experienced no check from the minor Partap, wiio regarded him as his father. During the ten years he had been out of office, inercenaries of Sind had been entertained and established on the forfeited lands of the clans, perpetuating discontent and stifling every latent spark of patriotism. Even those who did not join the Pretender remained sullenly at their castles, and thus all confidence was annihilated. A casual incident brought Amra forward at this critical juncture. Udaipur had neither ditch nor walls equal to its defence. Arsi was engaged in fortifying Eklinggarh, a lofty hill south of the city,1 which it commanded, and attempting to place thereon an enor mous piece of ordnance, but it baffled their mechanical skill to get it over the scraggy ascent. Amra happened to be present when the Rana arrived to inspect the proceedings. Excuses were made to avert his displeasure, when turning to the ex minister, he inquired what time and expense ought to attend the completion of such an undertaking. The reply was, " A few rations of grain and some days " : and he offered to accomplish the task, on condition that his orders should be supreme in the vaUey during its performance. He collected the whole working population, cut a road, and in a few days gave the Rana a salute from Eklinggarh. The foster-brother of the Rana had succeeded the Jhala chieftain, Raghu Deo, in the ministerial functions. The city was now closely invested on every side but the west, where conununications were still kept open by the lake, across which the faithful mountaineers of the Aravalli, who in similar dangers never failed, supplied them with provisions. All defence rested on the fidelity of the mercenary Sindis, and they were at this very moment insolent in their clamours for aiTcars of pay. Nor were the indecisive measures daily passing before their eyes calculated to augment their respect, or stimulate their courage. Not satisfied with demands, .they had the audacity to seize the 1 [Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city ; 2469 feet above sea-level.] Rana by the skirt of his robe as he entered the palace, which was torn in the effort to detain him. The haughtiness of his temper gave way to this humihating proof of the hopelessness of his condition ; and while the Dhabhai (foster-brother) counselled escape by water to the mountains, whence he might gain Mandal garh, the Salumbar chief confessed his inability to offer any advice [431] save that of recourse to Amra Chand, He was summoned, and the uncontrolled charge of their desperate affairs offered to his guidance. He replied that it was a task of which no man could be covetous, more especially himself, whose ad ministration had formerly been marked by the banishment of corruption and disorder, for that he must now call in the aid of these vices, and assimilate the means to the times. "You know also," he added, " my defect of temper, which admits of no no secret advisers, no counteraction of measures. With finances ruined, troops mutinous, provisions expended, if you desire me to act, swear that no order, whatever its purport, shall be countermanded, and I may try what can be done : but recollect, Amra ' the just ' will be the unjust, and reverse his former character." The Rana pledged himself by the patron deity to comply with all his de mands, adding this forcible expression : " Should you even send to the queen's apartment and demand her necklace or nathna,1 it shall be granted." The advice of the Dhabhai encountered the full flood of Amra's wrath. " The counsel is such as might be expected from your condition. Wliat will preserve your prince at Mandalgarh if he flies from Udaipur, and what hidden resources have you there for your support ? The project would suit you, who might resume your original occupation of tending buffaloes and selling milk, more adapted to your birth and understanding than state affairs ; but these pursuits your prince has yet to learn." The Rana and his chiefs bent their heads at the bold bearing of Amra. Descending to the terrace, where the Sindi leaders and their bands were assembled, he commanded them to follow him, exclaiming, " Look to me for your arrears, and as for your services, it will be my fault if you fail." The mutineers, who had just insulted their sovereign, rose without reply, and in a body left the palace with Amra, who calculated their arrears
1 The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of delicacy. and promised payment the next day. Meanwhile he commanded the bhandars (repositories) to be broken open, as the keeper of each fled when the keys of their trust were demanded. All the gold and silver, whether in bullion or in vessels, were converted into money __jewels were pledged the troops paid and satisfied, ammunication and provision laid in a fresh stimulus supplied, the enemy held at defiance, and the siege prolonged during six months [432].
The Pretender's party had extended their influence over a great part of the crown domain, even to the valley of Udaipur ; but unable to fulfil the stipulation to Suidhia, the baffled Mah ratta, to whom time was treasure, negotiated with Amra to raise the siege, and abandon the Pretender on the payment of seventy lakhs. But scarcely was the treaty signed, when the reported disposition of the auxiliaries, and the plunder expected on a successful assault, excited his avarice and made him break his faith, and twenty lakhs additional were imposed. Amra tore up the treaty, and sent back the fragments to the faitliless Mah ratta with defiance. His spirit increased with his difficulties, and he infused his gallantry into the hearts of the most despairing. Assembling the Sindis and the home-clans who were yet true to their prince, he explained to them the transaction, and addressed them in that language which speaks to the souls of all mankind, and to give due weight to his exliortation, he distributed amongst the most deserving, many articles of cumbrous ornament lying useless in the treasury. The stores of grain in the city and neighbourhood, whether pubhc or private, were collected and sent to the market, and it was proclaimed by beat of drum that every fighting man should have six months' provision on applica tion. Hitherto grain had been selling at little more than a pound for the rupee, and these unexpected resources were matter of universal surprise, more especially to the besiegers. 1 The Sindis, having no longer cause for discontent, caught the spirit of the brave Amra, and went in a body to the palace to swear in public never to abandon the Rana, whom their leader, Adil Beg, thus
1 To Amra's credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the first and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope that family ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a source of great satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince his disinterestedness. 2 See grant to this chief's son, p. 233. addressed : " We have long eaten your salt and received numerous favours from your house, and we now come to swear never to abandon you. Udaipur is our home, and we will fall with it. We demand no further pay, and when our grain is exhausted, we will feed on the beasts, and when these fail we will thin the ranks of the Southrons and die sword in hand." Sucli were the senti ments that Amra had inspired, the expression of which extorted a sight so unusual with this stern prince, as to raise frantic shouts from the Sindis and his Rajputs. The enthusiasm spread and was announced to Sindhia with all its circumstances by a general discharge of cannon on his advanced [433] posts. Apprehensive of some desperate display of Rajput valour, the wary Mahratta made overtures for a renewal of the negotiation. It was now Amra's turn to triumph, and he replied that he must deduct from the original terms the expense they had incurred in sustaining another six months' siege. Thus outwitted, Sindhia was compelled to accept sixty lakhs, and three-and-a-half for official expenses.1
