Rajput 15: The political state of the Rajput tribes in 1829
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Rajput 15: The political state of the Rajput tribes in 1829
Having thus taken a review of the tribes which at various times inhabited and still inhabit Hindustan, the subject must be concluded. In so extensive a field it was impossible to introduce all that could have been advanced on the distinctive marks in religion and manners ; but this deficiency will be remedied in the annals of the most prominent races yet ruling, by which we shall prevent repetition.
The same religion governing the institutions of all these tribes operates to counteract that dissimilarity in manners, which would naturally be expected amidst so great a variety, from situation or climate ; although such causes do produce a material difference in external habit. Cross but the elevated range which divides upland Mewar from the low sandy region of Marwar, and the difference of costume and manners will strike the most casual observer. But these changes are only exterior and personal ; the mental character is less changed, because the same creed, the same religion (the principal former and reformer of manners), guides them all.
Distinctions between the Rajput States
We have the same mythology, the same theogony, the same festivals, though com memorated with peculiar distinctions. There are niceties in thought, as in dress, which if possible to communicate would excite but little interest ; when the tie of a turban and the fold of a robe are, like Masonic symbols, distinguishing badges of tribes. But it is in their domestic circle that manners are best seen [122] ; where restraint is thrown aside, and no authority controls the freedom of expression. But does the European seek access to this sanctum of nationality ere he gives his debtor and creditor account of character, his balanced catalogue of virtues and vices ? He may, however, with the Rajput, whose independence of mind places him above restraint, and whose hospitality voi- I t, and love of character will always afford free communication to those who respect his opinions and his prejudices, and who are devoid of that overweening opinion of self, which imagines that nothing can be learned from such friendly intercourse.
The personal dissimilarity accordingly arises from locale ; the mental similarity results from a grand fixed principle, which, whatever its intrinsic moral effect, whatever its incompatibility with the elevated notions we entertain, has preserved to these races, as nations, the enjoy ment of their ancient habits to this distant period. May our boasted superiority in all that exalts man above his fellows, ensure to our Eastern empire like duration ; and may these notions of our own peculiarly favoured destiny operate to prevent us from laying prostrate, in our periodical ambitious visitations, these the most ancient relics of civilization on the face of the earth. For the dread of their amalgamation with our empire will prevail, though such a result would be opposed not only to their happiness, but to our own stability.
Alliances with the British
With our present system of alli ances, so pregnant with evil from their origin, this fatal conse quence (far from desired by the legislative authorities at home) must inevitably ensue. If the wit of man had been taxed to devise a series of treaties with a view to an ultimate rupture, these would be entitled to applause as specimens of diplomacy.
There is a perpetual variation between the spirit and the letter of every treaty ; and while the internal independence of each State is the groundwork, it is frittered away and nullified by successive stipulations, and these positive and negative qualities continue mutually repelling each other, until it is apparent that independence cannot exist under such conditions. Wliere dis cipline is lax, as with these feudal associations, and where each subordinate vassal is master of his own retainers, the article of military contingents alone would prove a source of contention. By leading to interference with each individual chieftain, it would render such aid worse than useless. But this is a minor con sideration to the tributary pecuniary stipulation which, unsettled and undetermined, leaves a door open to a [123] system of espionage a system not only disgusting, but contrary to treaty, which leaves ' internal administration' sacred. These openings to dispute, and the general laxity of their governments coming in contact with our regular system, present dangerous handles for ambition : and who so Wind as not to know that ambition to be distinguished must influence every viceregent in the East ? While deeds in arms and acquisition of territory outweigh the meek eclat of civil virtue, the periodical visitations to these kingdoms will ever be like the comet's, Foreboding change to princes.
Our position in the East has been, and continues to be, one in which conquest forces herself upon us. We have yet the power, however late, to halt, and not anticipate her further orders to march. A contest for a mud-bank has carried our arms to the Aurea Chersonesus, the limit of Ptolemy's geography. With the Indus on the left, the Brahmaputra to the right, the Himalayan barrier towering like a giant to guard the Tatarian ascent, the ocean and our ships at our back, such is our colossal attitude ! But if misdirected ambition halts not at the Brahmaputra, but plunges in to gather laurels from the teak forest of Arakan, what surety have we for these Hindu States placed by treaty within the grasp of our control ?
But the hope is cherished, that the same generosity which form.ed those ties that snatched the Rajputs from degradation and impending destruction, will maintain the pledge given in the fever of success, " that their mdependence should be sacred " ; that it will palliate faults we may not overlook, and perpetuate this oasis of ancient rule, in the desert of destructive revolution, of races whose virtues are their own, and whose vices are the grafts of tyranny, conquest, and religious intolerance.
To make them known is one step to obtain for them, at least, the boon of sympathy ; for with the ephemeral poAver of our governors and the agents of government, is it to be expected that the rod will more softly fall when ignorance of their history pre vails, and no kind association springs from a knowledge of their martial achievements and yet proud bearing, their generosity, courtesy, and extended hospitality ? These are Rajput virtues yet extant amidst all their revolutions, and which have survived ages of Muhammadan bigotry and power ; though to the honour of the virtuous and magnanimous few among the crowned heads 1 [The present relations of the States to the Government of India justify these expectations.]
of eight centuries, both Tatar and Mogul, there were some great
souls [124] ; men of high worth, who appeared at intervals to redeem the oppression of a whole preceding dynasty.
The high ground we assumed, and the lofty sentiments with which we introduced ourselves amongst the Rajputs, arrogating motives of purity, of disinterested benevolence, scarcely belonging to humanity, and to which their sacred writings alone yielded a parallel, gave such exalted notions of our right of exerting the attributes of divinity, justice, and mercy, that they expected little less than almighty wisdom in our acts ; but circumstances have throughout occurred in each individual State, to show we were mere mortals, and that the poet's moral ;
'Tis distance lends enchantment to the view, was true in politics. Sorrow and distrust were the consequences — anger succeeded ; but the sense of obligation is still too power ful to operate a stronger and less generous sentiment. These errors may yet be redeemed, and our Rajput allies yet be retained as useful friends : though they can only be so while in the en joyment of perfect internal independence, and their ancient institutions.
" No political institution can endure," observes the eloquent historian of the Middle Ages, " which does not rivet itself to the heart of men by ancient prejudices or acknowledged merit. The feudal compact had much of this character. In fulfilling the obligations of mutual assistance and fidelity by military service, the energies of friendship were awakened, and the ties of moral sympathy superadded to those of positive compact."
We shall throw out one of the assumed causes which give stability to political institutions ; ' acknowledged merit,' which never belonged to the loose feucl^l compact of Rajwara ; but the absence of this strengthens the necessary substitute, ' ancient prejudices,' which supply many defects.
Our anomalous and inconsistent interference in some cases, and our non-interference in others, operate alike to augment the dislocation induced by long predatory oppression in the various orders of society, instead of restoring that harmony and con tinuity which had previously existed. The great danger, nay, the inevitable consequence of perseverance in this line of conduct, will be their reduction to the same degradation with our other allies, and their ultimate incorporation with our already too extended dominion [125].
It may be contended, that the scope and tenor of these alliances were not altogether unfitted for the period when they were formed, and our circumscribed knowledge ; but was it too late, when this knowledge was extended, to purify them from the dross which deteriorated the two grand principles of mutual benefit, on which all were grounded, viz. ' perfect internal independence ' to them, and ' acknowledged supremacy ' to the protecting power ? It will be said, that even these corner-stones of the grand political fabric are far from possessing those durable qualities which the contracting parties define, but that, on the contrary, they are the Ormuzd and Alirimanes, the good and evil principles of con tention. But when we have superadded pecuniary engagements of indefinite extent, increasing in the ratio of their prosperity, and armed quotas or contingents of their troops, whose loose habits and discipline would ensure constant complaint, we may certainly take credit for having established a system which must compel that direct interference, which the broad principle of each treaty professes to check.
The inevitable consequence is the perpetuation of that de nationalising principle, so well understood by the Mahrattas, 'divide et impera.' We are few ; to use an Oriental metaphor, our agents must ' use the eyes and ears of others.' That mutual dependence, which would again have arisen, our interference will completely nullify. Princes will find they can oppress their chiefs, chiefs will find channels by which their sovereign's com mands may be rendered nugatory, and irresponsible ministers must have our support to raise these undefined tributary supplies ; and unanimity, confidence, and all the sentiments of gratitude which they owe, and acknowledge to be our due, will gradually fade with the national degradation. That our alliances have this tendency cannot be disputed. By their very nature they transfer the respect of every class of subjects from their immediate sovereign to the paramount authority and its subordinate agents.
Who will dare to urge that a government, which camiot support its internal rule without restriction, can be national ? that with out power unshackled and unrestrained by exterior council or espionage, it can maintain self-respect, the corner-stone of every virtue with States as with individuals ? This first of feelings these treaties utterly annihilate. Can we suppose such denational ised allies are to be depended upon in emergencies ? or, if allowed to retain a spark of their ancient moral inheritance, that it [126] will not be kindled into a flame against us when opportunity offers, instead of lighting up the powerful feeling of gratitude which yet exists towards us in these warlike communities ?
Like us they were the natural foes of that predatory system which so long disturbed our power, and our preservation and theirs were alike consulted in its destruction. WTien we sought their alliance, we spoke in the captivating accents of philanthropy ; we courted them to disunite from this Ahrimanes of political convulsion. The benevolent motives of the great mover of these alliances we dare not call in question, and his policy coincided with the soundest wisdom. But the treaties might have been revised, and the obnoxious parts which led to discord, abrogated, at the expense of a few paltry lacs of tribute and a portion of sovereign homage. It is not yet too late. True policy would enfranchise them altogether from our alliance ; but till then let them not feel their shackles in the galling restraint on each internal operation. Remove that millstone to national prosperity, the poignant feeling that every increased bushel of corn raised in their long-deserted fields must send its tithe to the British gran aries. Let the national mind recover its wonted elasticity, and they will again attain their former celebrity. We have the power to advance this greatness, and make it and its result our own ; or, by a system unworthy of Britain, to retard and even quench it altogether.1
Never were their national characteristics so much endangered as in the seducing calm which folloAved the tempestuous agita tions in which they had so long floated ; doubtful, to use their own figurative expression, whether ' the gilt of our friendship, 1 If Lord Hastings' philanthropy, which rejoiced in snatching these ancient States from the degradation of predatory warfare, expected that in four short years order should rise out of the chaos of a century, and " was prepared to visit with displeasure all symptoms of internal neglect, arising from supineness, indifference, or concealed ill-will " ; if he signified that " government would take upon itself the task of restoring order," and that " all changes " on this score " would be demanded and rigidly exacted " : in fine, that " such arrangements would be made as would deprive them of the power of longer abusing the spirit of hberal forbearance, the motives of which they were incapable of understanding or appreciating " ; what have they to hope from those without his sympathies ? or our arms,' were fraught with greater evil. The latter they could not withstand ; though it must never be lost sight of, that, like ancient Rome when her glory was fading, we use ' the arms of the barbarians ' to defend our conquests against them !
Is the mind ever stationary ? are virtue and high notions to be acquired from contact and example ? Is there no mind above the level of £10 monthly pay in all the native legions of the three presidencies of India ? no Odoacer, no Sivaji, [127] again to revive ? Is the book of knowledge and of truth, which we hold up, only to teach them submission and perpetuate their weak ness ? Can we without fresh claims expect eternal gratitude, and must we not rationally look for reaction in some grand im pulse, which, by furnishing a signal instance of the mutability of power, may afford a lesson for the benefit of posterity ?
Is the mantle of protection, which we have thrown over these warlike races, likely to avert such a result ? It might certainly, if imbued with all those philanthropic feelings for which we took credit, act with soporific influence, and extinguish the embers of international animosity. ' The lion and the lamb were to drink from the same fountain ' ; they were led to expect the holy Satya Yug, when each man reposed under his own fig-tree, which neither strife nor envy dared approach.
When so many nations are called upon, in a period of great calamity and danger, to make over to a foreigner, their opposite in everything, their superior in most, the control of their forces in time of war, the adjudication of their disputes in time of peace, and a share in the fruits of their renovating prosperity, what must be the result ; when each Rajput may hang up his lance in the haU, convert his sword to a ploughshare, and make a basket of his buckler ? What but the prostration of every virtue ? It the martial virtues ; extinguish these and they will soon cease to respect themselves.
Sloth, low cunning and meanness will follow. Wliat nation ever maintained its character that devolved on the stranger the power of protection ! To be great, to be independent, its martial spirit must be cherished : happy if within the bounds of modera tion. Led away by enthusiasm, the author experienced the danger of interference, when observing but one side of the picture — the brilliant lights which shone on their long days of darkness, not calculating the shade which would follow the sudden glare. On our cessation from every species of interference alone Depends their independence or their amaigamation-a crisis fraught with danger to our overgrown rule.
Let Alexander's speech to his veterans, tired of conquest and refusing to cross the Hyphasis, be applied, and let us not reckon too strongly on our empire of ojoinion : " Fame never represents matters truly as they are, but on the contrary magnifies every thing. This is evident ; for our o^vn reputation and glory, though founded on solid truth, is yet more obliged to rumour than reality." 1
We may conclude with the Macedonian conqueror's reasons for showing the [128] Persians and his other foreign allies so much favour : " The possession of what we got by the sword is not very durable, but the obligation of good offices is eternal. If we have a mind to keep Asia, and not simply pass through it. our clemency must extend to them also, and their fidelity wUl make our empire everlasting. As for ourselves, we have more than we know what to do with, and it must be an insatiable, avaricious temper which desires to continue to fill what already runs over." 2 [129] 1 Quintus Curtius, lib. ix. [ii. 6]. 2 Ibid. Ub. viii. [viii. 27].
