Rajputana, 1908

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This article has been extracted from THE IMPERIAL GAZETTEER OF INDIA , 1908. OXFORD, AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.

Note: National, provincial and district boundaries have changed considerably since 1908. Typically, old states, ‘divisions’ and districts have been broken into smaller units, and many tahsils upgraded to districts. Some units have since been renamed. Therefore, this article is being posted mainly for its historical value.

Rajputana

the country of the Rajputs ' , also called Rajasthan or Rajwara, ' the abode of the princes '). In the administrative nomen- clature of the Indian Empire, Rajputana is the name of a great terri- torial circle which includes eighteen Native States and two chiefships, together with the small British Province of Ajmer-Merwara.

These territories lie between 23 3' and 30 12' N. and 69 30' and 78 17' E,, with a total area of about 130,462 square miles. Included in the latter figure are the areas of Ajmer-Merwara (2,711 square miles), which, being British territory, has, for Census and Gazetteer purposes, been treated as a separate Province ; the two detached districts of Gangapur (about 26 square miles) and Nandwas (about 36 square miles), which belong respectively to the Gwalior and Indore Darbars, but, being surrounded by the Udaipur State, form an integral part of Rajputana- and, lastly, about 210 square miles of disputed lands. On the other hand, the areas of lands held by chiefs of Rajput- ana outside the territorial limits have been excluded, notably the three Tonk districts in Central India (about 1,439 square miles).

As traced on the map, Rajputana is an irregular rhomb, its salient angles to the north, west, south, and east respectively being joined by the extreme outer boundary lines of the States of Blkaner, Jaisalmer, Banswara, and Dholpur.

It is bounded on the west by the province of Smd ; on the north- west by the Punjab State of Bahawalpur ; and on the north and north-east by the Punjab. Its eastern frontier marches, first with the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, and next with Gwalior, while its southern boundary runs across the central region of India in an irregu- lar zigzag line, separating it from a number of other Native States in Central India and the Bombay Presidency, and marking off generally the northern extension of that great belt of territory subject, directly or indirectly, to the Maratha powers Sindhia, Holkar, and the Gaikwar of Baroda.

It may be useful to give roughly the geographical position of the several States within this area. Jaisalmer, Jodhpur (or Marwar), and Blkaner form a homogeneous group in the west and north, while a tract called Shekhawati (subject to Jaipur) and Alwar are in the north-east. Jaipur, Bharatpur, Dholpur, Karauli, Bundi, Kotah, and Jhalawar may be grouped together as the eastern and south-eastern States. Those m the south are Partabgarh, Banswara, Dungarpur, and Udaipur (or Mewar), with Sirohi in the south-west. In the centre lie the British Province of Ajmer-Merwara, the Kishangarh State, the chief- ships of Shahpura and Lawa, and parts of Tonk. The last State con- sists of six isolated districts (three of which are, as already stated, in Central India), and cannot be said to fall into any one of these rough geographical groups.

The Aravalli Hills intersect the country almost from end to end by a line running nearly north-east and south-west, and about three- fifths of Rajputana lie north-west of this line, leaving two-fifths on the south-east. The heights of Mount Abu are close to aspects the sout h- w estern extremity of the range, while its north-eastern end may be said to terminate near Khetri in the Shekhawati country, though detached hills are traceable almost as far as Delhi.

Physical aspects

There are thus two main divisions namely, that north-west, and that south-east, of the Aravallis. The former stretches from Sind on the west, northwaid along the southern Punjab frontier to near Delhi on the north-east. As a whole, this tract is sandy, ill-watered, and unproductive, but improves gradually from a mere desert in the far west and north-west to comparatively fertile and habitable lands to- wards the north-east. The 'great desert,' forming the whole of the Rajputana-Smd frontier, extends from the edge of the Rann of Cutch beyond the Luni river northward ; and between it and what has been called the ' little desert ' on the east is a zone of less absolutely sterile country, consisting of rocky land cut up by limestone ridges, which to some degree protect it from the desert sands. The ' little desert ' runs up from the Luni river between Jaisalmer and Jodhpur into the northern wastes. The character of this region is the same everywhere. It is covered by sand-hills, shaped generally in long straight ridges, which seldom meet, but run in parallel lines, separated by short and fairly regular intervals, resembling the ripple-marks on a sea-shore upon a magnified scale. Some of these ridges may be two miles long, varying from 50 to 100 feet, or even more, in height j their sides are scored by water, and at a distance they look like substantial low hills.

Their summits are blown into wave-like curves by the action of the periodical westerly winds , they are sparsely clothed with stunted shrubs and tufts of coarse grass in the dry season, while the light lains cover them with vegetation. The villages within the desert, though always known by local names, cannot be reckoned as fixed habitations, for their permanence depends entnely on the supply of watei in the wells, which is constantly failing or turning brackish ; and as soon as the water gives out, the village must shift. A little water is collected in small tanks or pools, which become dry before the stress of the heat begins, and in places there are long marshes impregnated with salt, This is the character, with more or less variation, of the whole north and north-west of Rajputana. The cultivation is everywhere poor and precarious, though certain parts have a better soil than others, and some tracts are comparatively productive. Along the base of the Aravalli range from Abu north-east towards Ajmer, the submontane region lying immediately under the abiupt northern slopes and absorb- ing their drainage is well cultivated, where it is not covered by jungle, up to the Lfmi ; but north-west of this river the surface streams are mere rain gutters, the water in the wells sinks lower and lower, and the cultivation becomes poorer and more patchy as the scanty loam shades off into the sandy waste. As the Aravallis approach Ajmer, the continuous chain breaks up into separate hills and sets of hills.

Here is the midland country of Rajputana, with the city of Ajmer standing among the scattered hills upon the highest level of an open table-land, which spreads eastward towards Jaipur and slopes by degrees to all points of the compass. From Ajmer the Aravallis trend north-eastward, never reuniting into a chain but still serving to divide roughly, though less distinctly, the sandy country on the north and west from the kindlier soil on the south and east.

The second main division of Rajputana, south-east of the Aravallis, contains the higher and more fertile regions. It may be defined by a line starting from near Abu and sweeping round first south-eastward, and then eastward, along the northern fi on tiers of Gujarat and Malwa. Where it meets Gwalior, it turns northward, and eventually runs along the Chambal until that river enters the United Provinces \ it then skirts the British possessions in the basin of the Jumna as it goes north past Agra and Muttra up to the neighbourhood of Delhi. In contrast to the sandy plains which are the uniform feature, more or less modified, of the north-west, this south-eastern division has a very diversified character. It contains extensive hill ranges and long stretches of rocky wold and woodland ; it is traversed by considerable rivers, and m many parts there are wide vales, fertile table-lands, and great breadths of excellent soil. Behind the loftiest and most clearly defined section of the Aravallis, which runs between Abu and Ajmer, lies the Udaipur (Mewar) country, occupying all the eastern flank of the range, at a level 800 or 900 feet higher than the plains on the west. And whereas the descent of the western slopes is abrupt towards Marwar, on the eastern or Mewar side the land falls very gradually as it recedes from the long parallel ridges which mark the water-parting, through a country full of high hills and deep gullies, much broken up by irregular rocky emi- nences, until it spreads out and settles down into the open champaign of the centre of Udaipur. Towards the south-western corner of that State, the broken country behind the Aravallis is prolonged farthest into the interior ; and the outskirts of the main range do not subside into level tracts, but become a confused network of outlying hills and valleys, covered for the most part with jungle. This is the peculiar region known as the Hilly Tracts of Mewar. All the south-east of Rajputana is watered by the drainage of the Vindhyas, carried north-eastward by the Banas and Chambal rivers. To the north of the town of Jhalra- patan, the country rises by a very distinct slope to the level of a remarkable plateau called the Pathar, upon which lies a good deal of the territory of the Kotah and Bundi States. The surface of this table-land is very diversified, consisting of wide uplands, more or less stony, broad depressions, or level spaces containing deep black culti- vable soil between hills with rugged and irregular summits, sometimes barren and sometimes covered with vegetation. To the east the plateau falls very gradually to the Gwalior country and the catchment of the Betwa river , and to the north-east there is a very rugged region along the frontier line of the Chambal in the Karauli State, while farther northward the country smooths down and opens out towards the Bharatpur territory, whose flat plains belong to the alluvial basin of the Jumna.

Of mountains and hill ranges, the ARAVALLIS are by far the most important. Mount Abu belongs by position to these hills, and its principal peak, 5,650 feet above the sea, is the highest point between the Himalayas and the Nilgiris. The other ranges, though numerous, are comparatively insignificant. The cities of Alwar and Jaipur lie among groups of Mis more or less connected ; and in the Bharatpur State is a range of some local importance, the highest peak being AlTpur, 1,357 feet above sea-level. South of these are the Karauli hills, whose greatest height nowhere exceeds 1,600 feet; and to the south-west is a low but very well-defined range, running from Mandal- garh in Udaipur north-east across the Bundi territory to near Indar- garh in Kotah. These hills present a clear scarp for about 25 miles on their south-eastern face, and give very few openings for roads, the best pass being that in which lies the town of Bundi, whence they are called the Bundi hills. The MUKANDWARA range runs across the south- western districts of Kotah from the Chambal to beyond Jhalrapatan, and has a curious double formation of two separate ridges. No other definite ranges are worth mention j but it will be understood that the whole of Rajputana, excepting only the sandy deserts, is studded with occasional hills and isolated crags, and even so far as the south-west of the Jodhpur State, near Barmer, there are two which exceed 2,000 feet. All the southern States are more or less hilly, especially Banswara, Dungarpur, and the southernmost tracts of Mewar.

In the north-western division of Rajputana the only river of any consequence is the LUNT, which rises in the Pushkar valley close to Ajmer and flows west by south-west for about 200 miles into the Rann of Cutch. The GHAGGAR once flowed through the northern part of the Bikaner State, but now rarely reaches more than a mile or two west of the town of Hanumangarh. Its water is, however, utilized for irrigation purposes by means of two canals, which were constructed in 1897 at the joint expense of the Government of India and the Bikaner Darbar. The south-eastern division has a river system of importance. The CHAMBAL is by far the largest river in Rajputana, flowing through the

Province for about one-third of its course, and forming its boundary for another third. Its principal tributaries are the KAL! SINB, the PAR- BATI, and the BANAS. The last, which is next in importance to the Chambal, is throughout its length of 300 miles a river of Rajputana. It rises in the Aravallis near the fort of Kumbhalgarh, and collects all the drainage of the south-eastern slopes of those hills, as well as of the Mewar plateau , its principal tributaries are the Berach, Kothan, Khari, Mashi, Dhil, and Morel. Farther to the north is the BANGANGA, which, rising in Jaipur, flows generally east through Bharatpur and Dholpur into the District of Agra, where, after a course of about 235 miles, it joins the Jumna. The MAHI, a considerable river in Gujarat, runs for some distance through Banswara and along the border of Dungarpur in the extreme south, but it neither begins nor ends within Rajputana.

There are no natural fresh-water lakes, the only considerable basin being the well-known salt lake at SAMBHAR. There are, however, numerous artificial sheets of water, many of which are large, throughout the eastern half of the Province, more particularly in the Jaipur State. The oldest and most famous are, however, to be found in Mewar : namely, the DHEBAR LAKE, the Raj Samand at KANKROLI, and the Picrfola lake at Udaipur city.

Rajputana may be divided into two geological regions : namely, the eastern half including the Aravallis, and the western half. The Aravalli range, as it exists at present, is but the wreck of what must have been in former days a lofty chain of mountains, reduced to its present dimen- sions by subaerial denudation; and its upheaval dates back to very early geological times, when the sandstones of the Vindhyan system, the age of which is not clearly established but is probably not later than Lower Palaeozoic, were being deposited. The older rocks com- posing it are all of crystalline types, like the transition or Dharwar series of Southern India, and comprise gneisses and schists, with bands of crystalline limestone, slates, and quartzites. These have been divided into two systems, of which the lower, known as the Aravalli system, includes the gneisses, schists, and most of the slates. All these rocks have been greatly crushed and disturbed, and are thrown into sharp folds running m a direction parallel to the trend of the range , they are traversed by numerous dikes of intrusive granite, as well as of basic igneous rock. Of the gneiss but little is known, and it is doubtful whether any older than the transition series occurs in the range. Cal- careous bands are of common occurrence among the schists, and, where they are in contact with veins of intrusive granite, have been altered into a pure white crystalline marble, which is extensively quarried in several localities. The most famous of these quarries are at MAKRANA.

The slates at the northern end of the range are largely used for roofing purposes, and the copper and cobalt mines of Khetri are situated in the Aravalli schists, but have not been worked for many years. Over the schists and slates just described comes a series of slates, limestones, and quartzites, known as the Delhi system. The lower portion, con- sisting of slates and limestones, was formerly known as the Raialo group, and the upper portion (quartzites) is called the Alwar group the latter, however, frequently overlaps the former and rests directly on the Aravalh schists and slates. In the Bayana hills in Bharatpur the Alwar group has been divided as follows ,

(5) Wer quartzites and conglomerates.

(4) Damdama quartzites and conglomerates

(3) Bayana white quartzite and conglomerates.

(2) Badalgarh quartzite and shale.

(i) Nithahar quartzite and bedded trap

These groups are all separated by slight unconformities of denuda- tion and overlap, but the distinctions appear to be quite local. All the groups vary much in thickness, and are completely superseded near Nithahar by the Wer quartzites, which rest directly on the schists. Copper has been mined in the quartzites at Singhana near Khetn, and lead at the Taragarh hill close to Ajmer city. Vindhyan rocks of both the lower and upper divisions of that system are found east of the Aravalli range, their north-western limit being a line of hills running from Fatehpur Slkn south-west to near Chitor, and then south and south-east. The lower division consists of conglomerates at the base, formed of pebbles derived from the quartzites and schists, followed by red shales, sandstones, and limestones, while the upper division con- tains red false-bedded and ripple-marked sandstones, with bands of pebbles, and forms a plateau extending east beyond the limits of Rajputana. The only rocks on the eastern side of the Aravallis that are of later date than the Vindhyans are of igneous origin, belonging to the great outburst of Deccan trap which covers so large a portion of Central India. They are found in the extreme south-east, south of a line drawn from Nimach to Jhalrapatan, and conceal all the older formations beneath them.

West of the Aravallis are a few outliers of Lower Vindhyan rocks, resting unconformably upon the transition quartzites and slates, while in the low country to the north-west are large expanses of sandstones which are considered to belong to the Upper portion of this system. In the Jodhpur State numerous bare rocky hills rise from among the sand-dunes, consisting for the most part of volcanic rocks, rhyolites, and granites. The rhyolites, called the Mallani series from the district in which they were first found, are poured out upon an ancient land- surface formed of the Aravalh schists, but actual contacts between the two are very rare. They are pierced by dikes and bosses of granite of two varieties, one containing hornblende bat no mica (Siwana granite), and the other both hornblende and mica (Jalor granite), and are also traversed by numerous basic igneous rocks having the composition of olivme, dolerite, or diabase. In the desert a sequence of rocks newer than the Vindhyans is found. The oldest are boulder beds of glacial origin occurring at Bap in Jaisalmer, where they rest on Vindhyan limestones, and they are considered to repiesent the Talcher beds at the base of the Gondwana system. A similar boulder bed occurs at Pokaran in Jodhpur, also resting upon a glaciated surface of older rock ; but there is some doubt as to the relations of this bed to the Vindhyan sandstones, and it may be older than Talcher.

Farther to the west, in Jaisalmer territory, is a series of Jurassic rocks divided into the following five groups :

(5) Abur group. Sandstones, shales, and fossiliferous limestones ; the latter are buff-coloured, but weather red, and abound in yellow ammonites.

(4) Parihar group. Soft, white felspathic sandstones, weathering into a clean, sugary sand, and largely composed of fragments of transparent quartz.

(3) Bidesar group. Purplish and reddish sandstones, with thin layers of black vitreous ferruginous sandstone.

(2) Jaisalmer group. Thick bands of compact buff and light brown limestone, interstratified with grey, brown, and blackish sandstone, with some conglomerate.

(i) Lathi (or Banner ?) group. White, grey, and brown sandstones, interstratified with numerous bands of hard black and brown ferruginous sandstones and grit. Towards the base are some soft argillaceous sand- stones streaked and blotched with purple. Fragmentary plant remains and pieces of dicotyledonous wood have been found.

At Barmer in Jodhpur, there are some patches of sandstone and conglomerates, resting upon the Mallani lava-flows and considered to represent the Lathi group \ but they are quite isolated and their position in the series is somewhat doubtful. To the north-west of Jaisalmer town, and near Gajner in Blkaner, there is a considerable area of Lower Tertiary (Nummulitic) rocks. The deep wells that are necessary for reaching water in this desert also reveal their presence beneath the sand, and in some of these wells near Blkaner coal has been discovered interstratified with the Nummulitic beds l . Layers of unctuous clay or fuller's earth are also found at several localities in this formation, and ^the clay is exported under the name of multdni mitti. The more recent deposits of the Rajputana desert consist of calcareous conglo- merates, which are found in the larger river basins and denote a period when the flow of water was much greater than at present ; blown sand, 1 Records^ Geological Survey of India > vol. xxx, part in (1897), pp. 122-5. and calcareous limestone or kankar. The sand-dunes are all of the transverse type : i, e, they have their longer axes at right angles to the direction of the prevailing south-west wind. The sand contains large quantities of the calcareous casts of foraminiferaj and it is by the solu- tion of these that the beds of kankar are formed. The sand also contains salt, which is leached out by occasional rams and collects in depressions as at Pachbhadra in Jodhpur and the Sambhar Lake.

The most prominent constituent of the vegetation of Rajputana is the scrub jungle which shows forth, rather than conceals, the arid naked- ness of the land. The scrub consists largely of species of Capparis, ZizyphuS) Tamarlx^ Grewia, with such plants as Buchanama latifolia^ Cassia aunculata^ Woodfordia flonbunda^ Casearia tomentosa^ Diospyros montana^ Calotropis procera^ and Clerodendron phlomoides. West of the Aravalli Hills two cactaceous looking spurges. Euphorbia Royleana and E. neriifolia^ are common, but less so east of that range. Towards the western frontier occur Tecoma undulata and Acacia Jacquemontit, and plants which are characteristic of the and regions, such as Tamanx articulata and Myricaria germanica, Balanites Ro&burghii, Balsamo- dendron Mukul^ and Alhagi maurorum are also very common in Western Rajputana. Farther west the scrub becomes more and more stunted, spiny, and ferocious in its aspect, until it merges into the desert tracts of Sind. Trees form quite a secondary feature of the vegetation amidst the ubiquitous scrub Among the more common indigenous trees, which grow both east and west of the Aravallis, are Sterculia urens, Pro sop is spidgera, Dichrostachys cinerea, Acacia leucophloea^ Anogeissus pendula^ and Cordia Rothii^ although in Western Rajputana the term ' tree ' applied to some of these is rather a courteous acknowledgement of their descent than an indication of their size. The trees found more or less sparingly on the Aravallis and in Eastern Rajputana are Bombax malabaricuni) Semecarpus Anacardium, Erythrma suberosa, Bauhinia purpurea, Gmelma arborea^ Boswellia thunfera^ Butea frondosa^ Ter- minaha, tomentosa, and T. Arjuna. In Western Rajputana, in addition to those mentioned as occurring all over the region, are found Salva- dora persica and Acacia rupestris. Among the introduced or cultivated trees, the more common are Parkinsonia aculeata^ several figs such as Ficus glomerata^ mrgata^ religiosa, and bengalensis^ Acacia farnesiana and A. arabica^ Melia Azadtrachta, and the mulberry, tamarind, mango, pomegranate, peach, custard-apple, and guava. Climbing plants are exemplified by two species of Cocculus^ Cissampelos Pareira^ Mimosa rubricaulis, Vitis carnosa^ and V. latifolia. The herbaceous vegetation is for a considerable part of the year a dormant quantity, but during the brief rainy season, or in the neighbourhood of water, it springs to light. It consists of species of the following orders : Leguminosae^ Compo$itae Y Acanthaceae^ Boraginaceae, Malvaceae^ &c. Growing in water aie to be found Vallismria, Utricularia> and Potamogeton , and, among grasses, Androfogon, Atithisteria, and Cenchrus. The lower slopes of the Aravalhs show generally the same vegetation which the low hills to the east and the plains to the west exhibit; but higher up, in a moister atmosphere, there are found some species which could not exist in the dry hot plains. Among these are Aendes } Rosa Lyelht\ Girardmia heterophylla, Carissa Camndas^ Pongamia glabra^ Stercuha tolorata, Mallotits phihppmensis, and Dendrocalamus stnctus. A few ferns also occur on the range, such as Adiantum caudatum, A. limit- latuni) Cheilanthes fannosa, Nephrodium molle^ N. cicutarium, and Actimopteris radiata.

Theie are no wild animals peculiar to Rajputana, Lions must have been numerous about a hunared years ago, for Colonel Tod writes that Maharao Raja Bishan Singh of Bundi, who died in 1821, 'had slam upwards of one hunared lions with his own hand, besides many tigers.' Moreover, five lions were shot in Rajputana as recently as 1872 : namely, four near Jaswantpura in the south of Jodhpur, and a full-grown female on the western slope of Abu , and these are believed to have been the last of their kind in Rajputana There are still a fair number of tigers, chiefly in the Aravalh Hills and in parts of Alwar, Bundi, Jaipur, Karauh, Kotah, Sirohi, and Udaipur, while an occasional tiger is met with in every other State except Blkaner, Jaisalmer, and Kishangarh.

Leopards are common, and the sloth bear (Melursus ur sinus] is found in the Aravalhs and in other hills and forests, mainly in the south and south-east. Of deer, the sambar (Cervus unicolor) is met with in the same localities as the tiger and bear, though in greater abundance, while the chltal (C. a&is) frequents some of the lower slopes of the hills in Bundi, Kotah, Sirohi, Udaipur, &c. Antelope and gazelle are numerous in the plains, as also are nilgai (Boselaphus tragocamelus) in parts. Small game, such as snipe, quail, partridge, wild duck, and hare, can generally be obtained everywhere except in the desert. In the western States there are large numbers of the great Indian and of the lesser bustard, as well as several species of sand-grouse including the imperial, for which Blkaner is particularly famous.

In the summer the heat, except in the high hills, is great everywhere, and in the west and north-west very great. Hot winds and dust-storms are experienced more or less throughout the country, and in the sandy half-desert tracts are as violent as in any part of India, while in the southern parts they are tempered by hills, verdure, and water. In, the winter the climate of the north, especially on the Blkaner border, where there is sometimes hard frost at night, is much colder than in the southern States \ and from the great dryness of the atmosphere in these inland areas the change of temperature between day and night is sudden, excessive, and very trying. The heat, thrown off

VOL. xxi. G

rapidly by the sandy soil, passes freely through the dry air, so that at night water may freeze in a tent where the thermometer marked 90 during part of the day. The following table gives the average mean temperature (in degrees F.) and the diurnal range at selected observatories during certain months :

These figures are for periods varying from twenty-one to twenty-five years ending with 1901, except in the case of Jodhpur, where they are for only five years

The rainfall is very unequally distributed throughout Rajputana The western portion comes very near the limits of that part of Asia which belongs to the rainless areas of the world, though even on this side the south-west winds bring annually a little ram from the Indian Ocean, In Jaisalmer and parts of Jodhpur and Bikaner, the annual fall averages scarcely more than 6 or 7 inches, as the rain-clouds have to pass extensive heated sandy tracts before reaching these plains, and are emptied of much of their moisture upon the high ranges in Kathiawar and the nearer slopes of the Aravallis. In the south-west, which is more directly reached, and with less intermediate evaporation, by the periodical rains, the fall is much more copious, and at Abu has on more than one occasion exceeded 100 inches, namely in 1875, 1881, 1892, and 1893. But, except in these south-west highlands of the Aravallis, the rain is most abundant in the south-east of Rajputana.

Along the southern States, from Banswara to Jhalawar and Kotah, the land gets not only the rains from the Indian Ocean, which sweep up the valleys of the Narbada and Mahl rivers across Malvva to the coun- tries about the Chambal, but also the remains of the moisture which comes up from the Bay of Bengal m the south-east ; and this supply occasionally reaches all Mewar. In this part of the country, if the south- west rains fail early, those from the south-east usually come to the rescue later in the season ; on the other hand, the northern part of Rajputana gets a scanty share of the winter rams of Northern India, while the southern part usually gets none at all, beyond a few gentle showers about Christmas. In the central tract, about Ajmer and towards Jaipur, the periodical supply of rain is very variable. If the eastern winds are strong, they bring good rains from the Bay of Bengal; whereas if the south-west monsoon prevails, the ram is comparatively late and light. Sometimes a good supply comes in from both seas, and then the fall is larger than in the eastern tract ; but it is usually much less. In the far north of Rajput- ana the wind must be very strong, and the clouds very full, to bring any appreciable supply from either direction. It may be said shortly that from Blkaner and Jaisalmer in the north-west to Banswara in the south, and Kotah and Jhalawar in the south-east, there is a very gradu- ally increasing rainfall from about 6 to 40 inches, the amount increasing very rapidly after the Aravallis have been crossed. The subjoined table gives the average annual rainfall (in inches) at five representative stations during the twenty-five years ending 1901

To this it may be added that the annual rainfall m the thiee eastern States (Bharatpur, Dholpur, and Karauli) vanes between 24 and 29 inches, in Kotah and Jhalawar between 3 r and 3 7 inches, and at the town of Banswara is about 40 inches. The greatest fall recorded in any one year was ovei 130 inches at Mount Abu in 1893, while in 1899 not one-hunaredth of an inch was registered at the rain-gauge stations of Khabha and Ramgarh in the west of the Jaisalmer State.

Earthquakes are not uncommon at Abu and, being accompanied with much rumbling noise, are somewhat alarming, but during recent years at any rate they have done no harm. In years of excessive rain- fall, the rivers sometimes cause damage and loss of life. For example, in 1875 the Banas rose in high flood and, in its passage past Tonk town, is said to have swept away villages and buildings far above the highest water-mark. Again, the Banganga river, till it was brought under control in 1895 by means of several irrigation works constructed by the Bharat- pur Darbar, has been responsible for much damage, not only in that State but in the adjoining District of Agra, notably in 1873, when villages were literally swept away by the floods, and Bharatpur city itself was saved with great difficulty, and again in 1884 and 1885.

History

The early history of the country now called Rajputana is, like that of other parts of India, somewhat obscure, and the materials for its reconstruction are scanty. The discovery of two rock-inscriptions of Asoka (about 250 B.C.) near BAiRAT-in the Jaipur State seems to show that his dominions extended westwards to, at any rate, this part of the country. In the second century B.C. the Bactrian Greeks came down from the north and north- west ; and among their conquests are mentioned the old city of Nagari (called Madhyamika) near Chitor, and the country round and about the Kali Smd river, while the coins of two of then kings, Apollodotus and Menander, have been found m the Udaipur State.

From the second to the fourth century A.D. the Sakas or Scythians were powerful, especially in the south and south-west ; and an inscription (dated about 150) at Girnar mentions a famous chief, Rudradaman, as ruler of Maru (Marwar) and the country round the Sabarmati, &c. The Gupta dynasty of MAGADHA ruled over parts of the Province from about the end of the fourth century to the beginning of the sixth century, when it was overthrown by the White Huns under their Raja Tora- mana. In the first half of the seventh century, Harshavardhana, a Rajput of the Vaisha or Bais clan, ruled at Thanesar ar\d Kanauj, and conquered the country as far south as the Narbada, including, of course, a great deal of Rajputana. At the time of the visit of the Chinese pilgrim, Hmen Tsiang (629-45), Rajputana fell within four main divi- sions which were then called Gurjjara (Bikaner, the western States, and part of Shekhawati), Vadan (the southern and some of the central States), Bairat (Jaipur, Aiwar, and a portion of Tonk), and Muttra (the three eastern States of Bharatpur, Dholpur, and Karauh). Included in the kingdom of Ujjain were Kotah, Jhalawar, and some of the outlying districts of Tonk.

Between the seventh and the beginning of the eleventh century several Rajput dynasties arose. The Gahlots (or, as they are now called, the Sesodias) migrated from Gujarat and occupied the south- western portion of Mewar, their earliest inscription in Rajputana being dated 646. Next came the Parihars, who began to rule at Mandor in Jodhpura few yeais later ; and they were followed in the eighth century by the Chauhans and the Bhatis, who settled down respectively at Sambhar and in Jaisalmer. Lastly, in the tenth century the Paramaras and the Solankis began to be powerful in the south-west. It is interesting to note that, of these Rajput clans, only three are now represented by ruling chiefs of Rajputana, namely the Sesodias, Bhatis, and Chauhans ; * and of these three, only the first two are still to be found m their original settlements, the Chauhans having moved gradually south-west and south-east to Sirohi, Bundi, and Kotah. Of the other Rajput clans now represented among the chiefs of Rajputana, the Jadons obtained a footing in Karauli about the middle of the eleventh century, though they had lived in the vicinity for a very long time; the Kachwahas came to Jaipur from Gwalior about 1128- the Rathors from Kanauj settled in Marwar in the beginning of the thirteenth century ; and the Jhala State of Jhalawar did not come into existence till 1838.

The first Musalman invasions (1001-26) found Rajput dynasties seated in all the chief cities of Northern India (Lahore, Delhi, Kanauj), but the march of Mahmud's victorious army across Rajputana, though it temporarily overcame the Solankis, left no permanent impres- sion on the clans. The latter were, however, seriously weakened by the feuds between the Solankis and the Chauhans, and between the latter and the Rathors of Kanauj, which give such a romantic colour to the traditions of the concluding part of the twelfth century. Never- theless, when Muhammad Ghori began his invasions, the Chauhans fought hard before they were driven out of Delhi and Ajmer in 1193, and Kanauj was not taken till the following year. Kutb-ud-dln garrisoned Ajmer, and the Musalmans appear gradually to have overawed, if they did not entirely reduce, the open country. They secured the natural outlets of Rajputana towards Gujarat on the south- west, and the Jumna on the north-east ; and the effect was probably to press back the clans into the outlying districts, where a more difficult and less inviting country afforded a second line of defence against the foreigner a line which they have held successfully up to the present day.

Indeed, setting aside for the present the two Jat States of Bharat- pur and Dholpur and the Muhamrnadan principality of Tonk, Rajputana may be described as the region within which the pure-blooded Rajput clans have maintained their independence under their own chieftains, and have kept together their primitive societies ever since their principal dynasties in Northern India were cast down and swept away by the Musalman irruptions. The process by which the Rajput clans were gradually shut up within the natural barrier of difficult country, which still more or less marks off their possessions, continued with varying fortune, their frontiers now receding, now again advancing a little, until the end of the fifteenth century. In the thirteenth century the rich southern province of Malwa was annexed to the Delhi empire ; and at the beginning of the fourteenth century, Ala-ud-dm Khilji finally subdued the Rajput dynasties in Gujarat, which also became an im- perial province. At the same time he reduced Ranthambhor, a famous fortress of the eastern marches, and sacked Chitor, the capital of the Sesodias, But, although the early Delhi sovereigns constantly pierced the country by rapid invasions, plundering and slaying, they made no serious impression on the independence of the chiefs. The fortresses, great circumvallations on the broad tops of scarped hills, were desperately defended and, when taken, were hard to keep. There was no firm foothold for the Musalmans in the heart of the country, though the Rajput territories were encircled by incessant war and often rent by internal dissensions. The line of communication between Delhi and Gujarat by Ajmer seems indeed to have been usually open to the imperial armies ; and the Rajputs lost for a time most of the great forts which commanded their eastern and most exposed frontier, and appear to have been slowly driven inward from this side. Yet no territorial annexations were very firmly held by the imperial governors from Delhi during the Middle Ages. Chitor was very soon regained and the other strongholds changed hands frequently.

When, however, the Tughlak dynasty went to pieces about the close of the fourteenth century, and had been finally swept away by Timur's sack of Delhi, two independent Musalman kingdoms were set up in Gujarat and Malwa. These powers proved more formidable to the Rajputs than the unwieldy empire had been, and throughout the fifteenth century there was incessant war between them. For a short interval, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, came a brilliant revival of Rajput strength. The last Afghan dynasty at Delhi was breaking up in the usual high tide of rebellion, and Malwa and Gujarat were at war with each other, when there arose the famous Rana Sangram Singh (Sanga) of Mewar, chief of the Sesodias. His talents and valour once more enlarged the borders of the Rajputs, and obtained for them something hke predominance in Central India. Aided by Medmi Rao, chief of Chanderi, he fought with distinguished success against both Malwa and Gujarat. In 1519 he captured Mahmud II ; and m 1526, in alliance with Gujarat, he totally subdued the Malwa state, and annexed to his own dominions all the eastern provinces of that kingdom, and recovered the strong places of the eastern marches, such as Ranthambhor and Khandhar. The power of the Rajputs was now at its zenith, for Rana Sanga was no longer the chief of a clan but the king of a country The Rajput revival was, however, as short-lived as it was brilliant.

In the year when Malwa was subdued, and one month before its capital surrendered, the emperor Babar took Delhi and extinguished the Pathan dynasty, so that Rana Sanga had only just got rid of his ancient enemy in the south, when a new and greater danger threatened him from the north. He marched, however, towards Bayana, which he took from the imperial garrison placed there, and Babar pushed down to meet him. At Khanua m Bharatpur, in March, 1527, the Rana, at the head of all the chivalry of the clans, encountered Babar's army and was defeated after a furious conflict, in which fell Hasan Khan, the powerful chief of the Mewati country, and many Rajputs of note. In this way the great Hindu confederacy was hope- lessly shattered; Rana Sanga died in the same year, covered with wounds and glory, and the brief splendour of united Rajasthan waned rapidly. In 1534 Bahadur Shah of Gujarat took Chitor, and recovered almost all the provinces which the Rana had won from Malwa ; and the power and predominance of the Sesodia clan were transferred to the Rathors of the west, where Maldeo, chief of Jodhpur, had become the strongest of all the Rajput rulers. The struggle which began soon after Babar's death, between Humayun and the Pathan Sher Shah, had relaxed the pressure of the Delhi power upon the clans from this side, and Maldeo greatly increased in wealth and territory. In 1544 he was attacked by Sher Shah in great force, but gave him such a bloody reception near Ajmer that the Pathan abandoned further advance into the Rathor country, and turned southward through Mewar into Bundel- khand, where he was killed before the fort of Kalinjar. It is clear that the victory at Khanua extinguished the last chance which the Rajputs ever had of regaining their ancient dominions in the rich plains of India. It was fatal to them, not only because it broke the war-power of their one able leader, but because it enabled the victor to lay out the foundations of the Mughal empire. A firmly consolidated government surrounding Rajputana necessarily put an end to the expansion, and gradually to the independence, of the clans ; and thus the death of Humayun in 1556 marks a decisive era in their history.

The emperor Akbar, shortly after his accession, attacked Maldeo, the Rathor chief, recovered from him Ajmer and several "other impor- tant places, and forced him to acknowledge his sovereignty. He then undertook to settle the whole region systematically. Chitor was again besieged and taken, with the usual grand finale of a sortie and massacre of the defenders. Udaipur was occupied, and though the Sesodias did not formally submit, they were reduced to guerrilla warfare in the Aravallis. In the east, the chief of the Kachwahas at Amber had entered the imperial service, while the Chauhans of Bundi were over- awed or conciliated. They surrendered the fort of Ranthambhor, the key to their country, and were brought with the rest within the pale of the empire. Akbar took to wife the daughters of two great Rajput houses ; he gave the chiefs or their brethren high rank in his armies, sent them with their contingents to command on distant frontiers, and succeeded in enlisting the Rajputs generally (save the Sesodias) not only as tributaries but as adherents. After him Jahanglr made Ajmer his head-quarters, whence he intended to march in person against the Sesodias who had defeated his generals m Mewar ; and here at last he received, in 1614, the submission of Rana Amar Singh of Udaipur, who, however, did not present himself in person. But though the Ranas never attended the Mughal court, they sent henceforward their regular contingent to the imperial army, and the ties of political associa- tion were drawn closer in several ways. The Rajput chiefs constantly entered the imperial service as governors and generals (there are said to have been at one time forty-seven Rajput mounted contingents), and the headlong charges of their cavalry became famous m the wars of the empire. Both Jahanglr and Shah Jahan were sons of Rajput mothers, and the latter in exile was protected at Udaipur up to the time of his accession, Their kinship with the clans helped these two emperors greatly in their contests for the throne, while the strain of Hindu blood softened their fanaticism and mitigated their foreign contempt for the natives of India.

When Shah Jahan grew old and feeble, the Rajput chiefs took their full share in the war between his sons for the throne, siding mostly with Dara, their kinsman by the mother's side , and Raja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur was defeated with great slaughter in 1658 at Fateh- abad, near Ujjain, in attempting to stop Aurangzeb's march upon Agia. Aurangzeb employed the Rajputs in distant wars, and their contingents did duty at his capital, but he was too bigoted to retain undiminished the hold on them acquired by Akbar. Towards the end of his reign he made bitter, though unsuccessful, war upon the Sesodias and devastated parts of Rajputana ; but he was very roughly handled by the united Rathors and Sesodias, and he had thoroughly alienated the clans before he died. Thus, whereas up to the reign of Akbar the Rajput clans had maintained their political freedom, though within territorial limits that were always changing, from the end of the six- teenth century we may regard their chiefs as having become feudatories or tributanes of the empire ; and, if Aurangzeb's impotent invasion be excepted, it may be affirmed that from Akbar's settlement of Rajputana up to the middle of the eighteenth century the Rajput clans did all their serious warfare under the imperial banner in foreign wars, or in the battles between competitors for the throne.

When Aurangzeb died, they took sides as usual. Shah Alam Baha- dur, the son of a Rajput mother, was largely indebted for his success to the swords of his kinsmen , and the obligations of allegiance, tribute, and military service to the empire were undoubtedly recognized as defining the political status of the chief so long as an emperor existed who could exact them. After the death of Aurangzeb, the Rajputs attempted the formation of an independent league for their own defence, m the shape of a triple alliance between the three leading clans, the Sesodia, Rathor, and Kachwaha; and this compact was renewed when Nadir Shah threw all Northern India into confusion.

But the treaty contained a stipulation that, in the succession to the Rathor and Kachwaha chiefships, the sons of a Sesodia princess should have preference over all others ; and this attempt to set aside the rights of primogeniture was the fruitful source of disputes which soon split up the federation In the rising storm which was to wreck the empire, the chiefs of Jodhpur and Jaipur held their own, and indeed increased their territories in the general tumult, until the wasting spread of the Maratha freebooters brought in a flood of anarchy that threatened every political structuie in India. The whole penod of 151 yeais from Akbar's accession to Aurangzeb's death was occupied by four long and strong reigns, and for a century and a half the Mughal was fairly India's master. Then came the ruinous crash of an overgrown cen- tralized empire whose spoils were fought over by Afghans, Sikhs, Jats, revolted viceroys, and rebellious military adventurers. The two Saiyids governed the empire under the name of Farrukh Siyar ; Jodhpur was invaded, and the Rathor chief was forced to give a daughter to the titular emperor. He leagued with the Saiyids until they were murdered, when, in the tumult that followed, he seized Ajmer in 1721.

About thirty years later, there were disputes regarding the succession to the Jodhpur chiefship, and one of the claimants called in the Ma- rathas, who got possession of Ajmer about 1756 , and from this time Rajputana became involved in the general disorganization of India. The primitive constitution of the clans rendered them quite unfit to resist the piofessional armies of Marathas and Pathans, and their tribal system was giving way, or at best transforming itself into a disjointed military feudalism. About this period, a successful leader of the Jat tribe took advantage of the dissolution of the imperial government to seize territories close to the right bank of the Jumna and to set up a dominion. He built fortresses and annexed districts, partly from the empire and partly from his Rajput neighbours, and his acquisitions were consolidated under his successors until they developed into the present Bharatpur State. The Rajput States very nearly went down with the sinking empire. The utfer weakness of some of the chiefs and the general disorder following the disappearance of a paramount authority in India dislocated the tribal sovereignties and encouraged the building of strongholds against predatory bands, the rallying of parties round petty leaders, and all the general symptoms of civil con- fusion. From dismemberment among rival adventurers the States were rescued by the appearance of the British on the political stage of Northern India. In 1803 all Rajputana, except the remote States in the north and north-west, had been virtually brought under by the Marathas, who exacted tribute, annexed territory, and extorted sub- sidies. Sindhia and Holkar were deliberately exhausting the country, lacerating it by ravages or bleeding it scientifically by relentless tax- gatherers; while the lands had been desolated by thirty years of in- cessant war.

Under this treatment the whole group of ancient chieftainships was verging towards collapse, when Lord Wellesley struck in for the British interest. The victories of Generals Lake and Wellesley permanently crippled Sindhia's power in Northern India, and forced him to loosen his hold on the Rajputana States in the east and north-east, with two l of which the British made a treaty of alliance against the Marathas. In

1 Bharatpur in September and Alwar in November, 1803. 1804 Holkar marched through the heart of Rajputana, attempted the fort of Ajmer, and threatened our ally, the Maharaja of Jaipur. Colonel Monson went against him and was enticed to follow him southward beyond Kotah, when the Marathas suddenly turned on the English commander and hunted him back to Agra. Then Holkar was, in his turn, driven off by Lord Lake, who smote him blow on blow ; but Lake himself failed signally in the dash which he made against the fort of Bharatpur, where Holkar had taken refuge under protection of the Jat chief, who broke his treaty with the British and openly suc- coured their enemy. The fort was afterwards surrendered, a fresh treaty being concluded \ and Holkar was pursued across the Sutlej and compelled to sign a treaty which stripped him of some of his annexa- tions in Raj pu tana.

Upon Lord Wellesley's departure from India policy changed, and the chiefs of Rajputana and Central India were left to take care of themselves. The consequence was that the great predatory leaders plundered at their ease the States thus abandoned to them, and became arrogant and aggressive towards the British power. This lasted for about ten years, and Rajputana was desolated during the interval ; the roving bands increased and multiplied all over the country into Pindari hordes, until in 1814 Amir Khan was living at free quarters in the heart of the Rajput States, with a compact army estimated at 30,000 horse and foot and a strong force of artillery. He had seized some o the finest districts in the east, and he governed them with no better civil institution than a marauding and mutinous force. The States of Jodhpur and Jaipur had brought themselves to the brink of extinction by the famous feud between the two chiefs for the hand of a princess of Udaipur, while the plundering Marathas and Pathans encouraged and strenuously aided them to ruin each other until the dispute was compromised upon the basis of poisoning the girl,

In 1811 Sir Charles Metcalfe, Resident at Delhi, reported that the minor chiefs urgently pressed for British intervention, on the ground that they had a right to the protection of the paramount power, whose obvious business it was to maintain order, but it was not till 1817 that the Marquis of Hastings was able to carry into action his plan for breaking up the Pindari camps, extinguishing the predatory system, and making political arrangements that should effectually prevent its revival. Lawless banditti were to be put down ; the general scramble for territory was to be ended by recognizing lawful governments once for all, and fixing their possessions, and by according to each recog- nized State British protection and terntonal guarantee, upon condition of acknowledging our right of arbitration and general supremacy in external disputes and political relations. Upon this basis overtures for negotiations were made to all the Rajput States, and in 1817 the British armies took the field against the Pindans. Amir Khan dis- banded his troops, and signed a treaty which confirmed him in possession of certain districts held in grant, and by which he gave up other lands forcibly seized from the Rajputs. His territories, thus marked off and made over, constitute the existing State of Tonk.

Of the Rajput States (excluding Alwar, whose treaty, as already mentioned, is dated November, 1803), the first to conclude treaties were Karauli (in November) and Kotah (m December, 1817); and by the end of 1818 similar engagements had been entered into with all 1 the other States, with clauses settling the payment of Maratha tributes and other financial charges. There was a great restoration of plundered districts and rectification of boundaries. Smdhia gave up Ajmer to the British, and the pressure of the Maratha powers upon Rajputana was permanently withdrawn.

Since then the political history of Rajputana has been comparatively uneventful. In 1825 a serious disturbance over the succession to the chiefship of Bharatpur caused great excitement, not only locally, but in the surrounding States, some of them even secretly taking sides in the quarrel which threatened to spread into war. Accordingly, with the object of preserving the public peace, the British Government determined to displace a usurper and to maintain the rightful chief ; and Bharatpur was stormed and taken by British troops on Jan- uary 1 8, 1826. In 1835 the prolonged misgovernment of Jaipur cul- minated in serious disturbances which the British Government had to compose; and in 1839 a force marched to Jodhpur to put down and conciliate the disputes between the chief and his nobles which dis- ordered the country. The State of Kotah had been saved from ruin and raised to prosperity by Zahm Singh, who, though nominally minister, really ruled the country for fifty years ; and the treaty of 1817 had vested the administration of the State in Zalim Singh and his descendants. But this arrangement naturally led to quarrels between the latter and the heirs of the titular chief, wherefore in 1838 a part of the Kotah territory was marked off as a separate State, under the name of Jhalawar, for the direct descendants of Zalim Singh, a Rajput of the Jhala clan. On the deposition in 1896 of the late chief of Jhalawar, there were found to be no direct descendants of Zalim Singh , and the Government of India accordingly decided that part of the territory which had been made over in 1838 should be restored to Kotah, and that the remaining districts should be formed into a new State for the descendants of the family to which Zalim Singh belonged. This dis- tribution of territory came into effect in 1899.

1 Except Sirohi, whose treaty is dated September, 1823 ; and, of course, Jhalawar, which did not come into existence till 1838 When the Mutiny of the Bengal army began in May, 1857, there were no European soldiers in Rajputana, except a few invalids recruit- ing their health on Mount Abu. Naslrabad was garrisoned by sepoys of the Company's forces ; and four local contingents, raised and com- manded by British officers but mainly paid from the revenues of certain States, were stationed at Deoh, Beawar, Erinpura, and Kher- wara. The chiefs of Rajputana were called upon by the Governoi- General's Agent (General George Lawience) to preserve peace within their borders and collect their musters ; and in June the troops of Bharatpur, Jaipur, Jodhpur, and Alwar were co-operating in the field with the endeavours of the British Government to maintain order in British Districts and to disperse the mutineers. But these levies, however useful as auxiliaries, were not strong enough to take the offensive against the regular regiments of the mutineers. Moreover, the interior condition of several of the States was critical : their terri- tory, where it bordered upon the country which was the focus of the Mutiny, was overrun with disbanded soldiers , the fidelity of their own mercenary troops was questionable, and their predatory and criminal tribes soon began to harass the country-side In this same month (May, 1857) the artillery and infantry mutinied at Naslrabad; the Kotah Contingent was summoned from Deoli to Agra, where it joined the Nlmach mutineers m July , and the Jodhpur Legion at Ennpura broke away in August. The Merwara Battalion and the Mewar Bhll Corps, recruited for the most part from the indigenous tribes of Mers and Bhils respectively, were the only native troops in all Rajputana who stood by their British officers. In the important centre of Ajmer, General Lawience maintained authority with the aid of a detachment of European troops from Deesa, of the Merwara Battalion, and of the Jodhpur forces ; but throughout the country at large, from the confines of Agra to Sind and Gujarat, the States were left to their own re- sources, and their conduct and attitude were generally very good. In Jaipur tranquillity was preserved ; the Blkaner chief continued to render valuable assistance to British officers in the neighbouring Districts of the Punjab, and the central States kept orderly rule.

In the western part of Jodhpur some trouble was caused by the rebellion or contumacy of Thakurs, especially of the Thakur of Awa, who had taken into his service a body of the mutinied Jodhpur Legion , but the ruling chief continued most loyal Towards the south, the territory of Mewar was considerably disturbed by the confusion which followed the mutinies at Nlmach, by the continual incursions of rebel parties, and by some political mismanagement ; but, on the whole, this tract of country remained comparatively quiet, and the Maharana hospitably sheltered several European families that had been forced to flee from Nlmach. The Haraoti chiefs of Kotah, Bundi, and Jhalavvar kept their States in hand, and sent forces which took charge of Nimach for some six weeks during the early days when the odds were heaviest against the British in Northern India. After the fall of Delhi this period of suspense ended ; and the States could afford to look less to the question of their own existence in the event of general anarchy, and more to the duty of assisting the British detachments. Jaipur at once joined heartily in the exeitions of Government to pacify the country. In Jodhpur the chief had his hands full of work with his own unruly feudatories, and the British assisted him in reducing them, In Kotah the troops were profoundly disaffected and beyond the control of the chief , they murdered the Political Agent and broke into open revolt. The adjoining chief of Bundi gave piactically no aid, partly through clannish and political jealousies of Kotah ; but the Mahaiaja of Karauli, who greatly distinguished himself by his active adherence to the British side throughout 1857, sent troops to the aid of his relative, the Kotah chief, when he was besieged in his own fort by his mutineers, and held the town until it was taken by assault by a British force in March, 1858, an event that marked the extinction of armed rebellion in Rajputana.

The year 1862 was notable for the giant to every ruling chief in the Province of a sanad guaranteeing to him (and his successors) the right of adoption m the event of failure of natural heirs , and this was followed by a series of treaties or agreements relating to the mutual extradition of persons charged with heinous offences, and providing for the suppression of the manufacture of salt and the abolition of the levy of all transit-duty on that commodity. During the last forty years great progress has been made. The country has been opened out by railways and roads, and life and property are more secure. Regular courts of justice, schools, colleges, hospitals, and well-managed jails have been established , the system of land revenue administration has been improved, petty and vexatious cesses have been generally abor lished, and, m several States, regular settlements, on the lines of those in British India, have been introduced.

Rajputana abounds in objects of antiquarian interest, but hitherto very little has been done to survey, describe, or preserve these links with the past.

The earliest remains are the rock-inscriptions of the great Mauryan king, Asoka, discovered at BAIRAT in Jaipur ; the ruins of some Buddhist monasteries at the same place ; and two stufas and a frag- mentary inscription of the third century B. c. at Negari near CHITOR. At Kholvi in the Jhalawar State is a series of rock-cut temples, interest- ing as being probably the most modern group of Buddhist caves in India ; they are believed to date from A. D. 700 to 900.

Of Jain structures, the most famous are the two well-known temples at^Delwara near ABU, of the eleventh and thirteenth century respec- tively, and the Kirtti Stambh, or ' tower of fame,' of about the same age at CHITOR, which have just been repaired under the general direc- tion of the Government of India. The oldest Jam temples are, how- ever, those near Sohagpura in Partabgarh, at Kalinjara in Banswara, and at one or two places in Jaisalmer and Sirohi, while remains exist at Ahar near Udaipur, and at Rajgarh and Paranagar in Alwar.

Among the earliest specimens of Hindu architecture must be men- tioned the stone pillar at BAYANA with an inscription dated A. D. 372 ; the remains of the chaorl or hall at MUKANDWARA, of the fifth century , and the ruined temples at Chandravati near JHALRAPATAN, of the seventh century. Noteworthy examples of military architecture are the forts of Chitor and Kumbhalgarh in Udaipur ; Ranthambhor in Jaipur ; Jalor and Jodhpur in Mar war ; Birsilpur in Jaisalmer, said to have been built in the second century ; Vasantgarh in Sirohi , Bijaigarh in Bharatpur ; Tahangarh in Karauh ; and Gagraun in Kotah. The most exquisitely carved temples are to be found in the Udaipur State at Barolli and at Nagda near the capital, the former of the ninth or tenth, and the latter of the eleventh century. Another celebrated building is the Jai Stambh or ' tower of victory ' at Chitor, built in the middle of the fifteenth century.

The Muhammadans have left a few memorials in the shape of mosques and tombs, chiefly in Jodhpur and Alwar; but they are of little interest. The earliest appears to be a mosque at Jalor, attributed to Ala-ud-dm Khilji.

Population

Rajputana is made up of eighteen States and two chiefships, and the population at each of the three enumerations was : (1881) 10,100,542,

Population ^ l89 ^ I2 > 220 >343> and (1901) 9,723,301. In- cluded in the figures for 1891 and 1901 are the inhabitants L of small tracts belonging to the Central India chiefs of Gwalior and Indore, but geographically situated in Mewar ; white, on the other hand, the population J of Tonk's three districts in Central India has been excluded throughout. Further, it is necessary to men- tion that the Census of 1901 was the first complete one ever taken in the Province At the two earlier enumerations the Girasias of the Bhakar, a wild tract in Siiohi, and the Bhils of Mewar, Banswara, and Dungarpur were not regularly counted, but their number was roughly estimated from information given by the illiterate headmen of their villages ; and these estimates have been included in the figures for 1 88 r and 1891. In some cases the headman gave what he believed to be the number of huts in his village (when four persons, two of each sex, were allowed to each hut), while at other times he made a guess

1 18,118 m 1891 and 11,407 in 1901.

3 167,850 in 1881 ; 181,135 in 1891 ; and 129,871 in 1901, at the total population, and his figures were duly entered. This was rendered necessary by the extreme aversion displayed by these shy and timid tribes to the counting of men and houses. The wildest stories were in circulation as to the objects of the Census, Some of the Bhlls thought that the Government of India were in search of young men for employment in a foreign war, or that the idea was to raise new taxes ; while, in 1891, others feared that they were going to be seized and thrown as a propitiatory sacrifice into a large artificial lake then being constructed at Udaipur.

Consequently, the Bhlls and Girasias were left unenumerated, and the census figures for 1881 and 1891 must be considered as only approximate. But, such as they are, they show an increase in popula- tion during that decade of nearly 2 1 per cent., compared with about 9 per cent, for the whole of India; while between 1891 and 1901 there was a decrease of nearly 2^ million inhabitants, or about 20 per cent. The decade preceding the Census of 1891 was one of prosperity and steady growth, but the apparent increase in population was probably due, to some extent, to improved methods of enumeration. Between 1891 and 1901 the country suffeied from a succession of seasons of deficient or ill-distributed rainfall , and though it did not perhaps lose as heavily as the census figures suggest, the loss was undoubtedly very great, and the main cause was the disastrous famine of 1899-1900 and its indirect results, lower birth-rate and increased emigration. Fever epidemics broke out in 1892, 1899, and 1900, the most virulent of all being that following the heavy rainfall of August and September, 1900, which was aided in its ravages by the impaired vitality of the people.

Vital statistics scarcely exist; but the general consensus of opinion appears to be that the mortality from fever between August, 1900, and February, 1901, exceeded that caused by want of food in the period during which famine conditions prevailed. A reference to the last column of the table on the next page will show that the only States in which an increase in population occurred were Alwar and Karauli, and that the decrease was greatest in Bundi, Dungarpur, Jaisalmer, Jhalawar, Partabgarh, and Udaipur, and least in Bharatpur, Dholpur, and Jaipur. Alwar has benefited for some years by a careful and wise administration, and the famine was less severely felt there and in the three eastern States (Bharatpur, Dholpur, and Karauli) than in other parts of Rajputana. In considering the figures for Dungarpur and Udaipur, it should be borne in mind that the population in 1891 included a large estimated (probably over-estimated) number of Bhlls \ but at the same time there is no doubt that both States lost very heavily in the famine. The figures for Jhalawar require a word of explanation. As mentioned above, this State was remodelled in 1899, and when the Census of 1901 had been taken, an attempt was made to work out

t Rajputana districts only

t Th!S is the area of the several States and chiefships in 1901, excludme- about 210 square miles of disputed lands

The town of Sambhar is under the joint jurisdiction of Jaipur and Jodhpur, and has been counted only once in the grand total. from the old census papers the population in 1891. This was reported to be 151,097, which meant a loss during the succeeding ten years of 40 per cent, of the people \ but some mistake appears to have been made in the calculation, for it is difficult to believe that the State, which was under British management from 1896 to 1899, and in which the famine was not severely felt, while the relief measures and administration generally were satisfactory, lost so heavily.

The 128 towns contained 288,696 occupied houses and 1,410,192 inhabitants, or nearly 5 persons per house ; and the urban population was thus 14-5 per cent, of the total, compared with 10 per cent, for India as a whole. The principal towns are the cities of JAIPUR (popu- lation, 160,167), the sixteenth largest in India; JODHPUR (79,109); ALWAR (56,771); BIKANER (53,075); UDAIPUR (45,976); BHARATPUR (43,601) ; TONK (38,759); and KOTAH (33,657), all capitals of States and all (except Udaipur) municipalities.

The rural population numbered 8,313,109, distributed in 29,901 villages containing 1,622,787 occupied houses, thus giving about 54 houses per village and slightly more than 5 persons per house. The average population of a village is 278, varying from 335 in the western States, where scarcity of water and insecurity of life have compelled people to gather together in certain localities, to 153 in the southern States, which contain a large Bhll population living in small hamlets scattered over an extensive area of wild country. These Bhll hamlets are called pals, and consist of a number of huts built on separate hillocks at some distance from each other; elsewhere the villages are usually compact collections of buildings.

Rajputana supports, on an average, 76 persons per square mile : namely, 35 in the sandy plains of the west, 79 in the more fertile but broken and forest-clad country of the south, and 165 in the eastern division, which is watered by several rivers and has a fair rainfall and a good soil. The most densely populated State is Bharatpur, bordering on the Jumna, with 316 persons per square mile; and the lowest density (in all India), 4-| per square mile, is recorded in the almost rainless regions of Jaisalmer. Within the States, the density in the several districts varies considerably; thus in Jodhpur, it is TOO per square mile in the north-east, and 10 in the west ; in Jaipur, 332 in the north-east, and 92 in the south-west; and in Alwar, 430 m the east, and 166 in the south-west. Throughout Rajputana the relation between rainfall and population seems to be singularly close.

Of the total population in 1901, 97*6 per cent, had been born in Rajputana, and immigrants from other parts of India (chiefly the Punjab, the United Provinces, Central India, Ajmer-Merwara, and the Bombay Presidency) numbered 233,718. On the other hand, the number of persons born in Rajputana but enumerated elsewhere in

VOL. XXI. H India was 900,224, so that, in this interchange of population, there was a net loss to Rajputana of 666,506 persons. But m the western States emigration is an annual event, whatever be the nature of the season, as there is practically but one harvest, the khanf, and as soon as it is gathered in September or October large numbers of people leave every year to find employment in Smd, Bahawalpur, and else- where, usually returning shortly before the rains are expected to break Moreover, the recent famine caused more than the usual amount of emigration. Lastly, the traders known as Marwans, who were born in Rajputana and have their homes and families theie, play an important part m the commerce of India ; and there is hardly a town where the * thrifty denizen of the sands of Western and Northern Raj- putana has not found his way to fortune, from the petty grocer's shop in a Deccan village to the most extensive banking and broking con- nexion in the commercial capitals of both east and west India. 5

No vital statistics are recorded for Rajputana as a whole ; but the registration of births and deaths was, in 1904, attempted m ten entire States and one chiefship, having a total area of 53,178 square miles and a population of 3> 5 I >555, and at the capitals of six other States and two small towns which together contain 330,660 inhabitants. The mortality statistics are believed to be more accurate than those of births, but, except perhaps in some of the larger towns, both sets of figures are unreliable.

The principal diseases treated in the hospitals are malarial affections, ulcers and abscesses, diseases of the skin or eye, respiratory and rheumatic affections, diseases of the ear, and diarrhoea and dysentery. Malarial and splenic affections account for more than 18 per cent of the cases, and the variations in the different States or divisions are hardly worth noting, though perhaps the large proportion in the dry climate of Blkaner and the smaller m the more moist eastern States are rather contrary to the general opinion. Ulcers and abscesses account for nearly 12 per cent., and seem most prevalent in the centre and east, while diseases of the skin (also about 12 per cent.) are especially frequent in the western States, possibly owing to the want of water for cleansing purposes. Diseases of the eye are admitted in largest numbers in the centre, east, and south, while respiratory affections are less frequent in the west than elsewhere. Cholera and small-pox visitations occur periodically ; but as regards the latter, the effects of vaccination are everywhere becoming apparent, and those who most oppose the operation are not unfrequently convinced, when too late, by the fate of their own chilaren and the escape of those of their neighbours, of their error in neglecting vaccination.

Plague is believed to have made its first appearance m Rajputana in 1836. It broke out with great virulence at Pali, a town of Jodhpur, about the middle of July, and extended thence to Jodhpur city, Sojat, and several other places in Marwai, as well as to a few villages in the Udaipur State; and it appears to have finally disappeared at the beginning of the hot season of 1837. The fact that the disease first started among the cloth-stampers of Pah led to the supposition that it was imported m silks from China. An interesting account of the outbreak, and of the measures taken to combat it and prevent its spread, will be found at pp. 148-69 of the General Medical History of Rajftttana^. The present epidemic started in Bombay in 1896, but, excluding a few cases discovered at railway stations, did not extend to Rajputana till November, 1897, when it appeared in five villages of Sirohi and lasted till Apnl, 1898. Between October, 1896, and the end of March, 1905, there have been 37,845 seizures and 31,980 deaths in Rajputana. No cases have been reported from Bundi, Dfmgarpur, Jaisalmer, and Lawa, while Kishangarh shows but one and Blkaner three. Two-thirds of the deaths have occurred in Alwar, Jaipur, and Mewar, but the percentage of deaths to total population is highest in Partabgarh and Shahpura.

Of the total population in 1901, more than 52 per cent, were males, or, put in another way, for every 1,000 males there were 905 females, compared with 963 for the whole of India; and in each of the four mam religions this excess of males was observable, except among the Jams, where females slightly predominated. Various theories have been advanced to explain the difference m the proportion of the sexes but there is no reason to believe that it is due, at any rate to any appreciable extent, to female infanticide, though this practice was once very prevalent in Rajputana. An examination of the census statistics shows that between the ages of one and two there were more female than male infants, even among the Hindus, and that females exceeded males among the Musalmans up to the age of four, and among the Jains and Animists up to five.

Dealing next with the population according to civil condition, it is found that 48 per cent, of the males were unmarried, 43 married, and 9 widowed, and that the similar figures for females were 30, 50, and 20 respectively. The relatively low proportion of spinsters and the high proportion of widows are results of the custom which enforces the early marriage of girls and discourages the remarriage of widows.

Infant marriages still prevail to some extent, but are less common

than they used to be, and this is largely attributable to the efforts

of the Walterkrit Rajputra Hitkarmi Sabha. This committee is named

after the late Colonel Walter, who was the Governor-General's Agent

in Rajputana in 1888. On previous occasions attempts had been

made to settle the question of marriage expenses with a view to

1 By Colonel T. H. Hendley, I.M.S. (Calcutta, 1900).

H 2 suppress infanticide among the Rajputs, but they failed because no uniform rule was ever adopted for the whole country. In 1888 Colonel Walter convened a general meeting of representatives of almost all the States to check these expenses, The co-operation of the chiefs having been previously secured, the committee had no great difficulty in drawing up a set of rules for the regulation of marriage and funeral expenses, the ages at which marriages should be contracted, and other cognate matters. These rules, which were passed unani- mously and widely distributed in the various States, where local com- mittees of influential officials were appointed by the Darbars to see to their proper observance, laid down the maximum proportion of a man's income that might be expended on (a) his own or his eldest son's marriage, and (ft) that of other relatives, together with the size of the wedding party and the tydg or largess to Charans, Bhats, Dholis, and others. It was also laid down that no expenditure should be incurred on betrothals, and the minimum age at marriage was fixed at 1 8 for a boy and 14 for a girl. It was subsequently ruled that no girl should remain unmarried after the age of 20, and that no second marriage should take place during the lifetime of the first wife, unless she had no offspring or was afflicted with an incurable disease. These rules apply primarily to Rajputs and Charans, but have been adopted by several other castes. The Walterkrit Sabha meets annually at Ajmer m the spring, when the reports of the local committees are discussed, the year's work examined, and a printed report is published. That for 1905 shows that, in that year, of 4,418 Rajput and Charan marriages reported, the age limits were infringed in only 87 cases and the rule as to expenditure in only 54 cases.

Widow marriage is permitted by all castes except Brahmans, Rajputs, Khattris, Charans, Kayasths, and some of the Mahajan classes. As a rule no Brahmans or priests officiate, and the ceremonies are for the most part restricted to the new husband giving the woman bracelets and clothes and taking her into his house. The custody of the chilaren by the first marriage remains with the deceased husband's family, and the widow forfeits all share in the latter's estate. Among many of the lower castes (for example, the Bhils and Chamars) the widow is expected to marry her late husband's younger brother ; and if she is unwilling to do so, and marries some other man, the latter has to pay compensation to the younger brother.

The rules which in theory govern the custom of polygamy are well known; but in practice, except among the wealthy sections of the community and the Bhil tribes, a second wife is rarely taken unless the first is barren or bears only female chilaren, or suffers from some incurable disease. The custom just referred to, by which the widow contracts a second marriage with her deceased husband's younger brother, leads in many cases to a man having more than one wife, and the Brills usually have two wives. At the Census of 1901 there were in Rajputana, among all religions taken together, 1,046 wives to every 1,000 husbands ; and the statistics show that polygamy is far more common among the Jains, Hindus, and Ammists than among the Musalmans, and that it is most prevalent in the western States. On the other hand, there must have been many married men who were temporarily absent from their homes and had left their wives behind them.

The principal language is Rajasthani, which is spoken by no less than 7,035,093 persons, or more than 72 per cent, of the total popula- tion. Omitting minor local differences, there are at least sixteen real dialects, which fall into four main groups ; namely, Marwari, Jaipur!, Mewati, and MalwL By far the most important is Marwari, which has its home in Western Rajputana, is spoken by 4,276,514 inhabitants, and has representatives all over India. It has many varieties, of which the best known are the Thall of the desert, the Mewari of Udaipur State, the BagrI of north-east Bikanei, and the Shekhawati of north- west Jaipur. Jaipurl may be taken as representing the dialects of Eastern and South-Eastern Rajputana, of which it and Haraoti are the chief; it is spoken by 2,118,767 of the inhabitants. Mewati (or Bighota) is the dialect of Rajasthani which most nearly approaches Western Hindi, and m Alwar merges into Braj Bhasha; it is the language of 478,756 persons, living almost entirely m Alwar and Bharatpur, the country of the Meos. The head-quarters of Malwl are in the Malwa country, and it is spoken by over 160,000 persons, chiefly in Jhalawar, Kotah, and Partabgarh. When mixed with Marwari forms, it is called Rangri and is spoken by Rajputs. Among other languages common in Rajputana are two dialects of Western Hindi, namely Braj Bhasha and Hindustani (i.e. Urdu), and there are, of course, several Bhil dialects m the south, all based on GujaratI, but forming a con- necting link between it and Rajasthani.

Among castes and tribes, the most numerous are the Brahmans, Jats, Mahajans, Chamars, Rajputs, Minas, Gujars, Bhlls, Malis, and Balais.

The Brahmans number 1,012,396 or 10-4 per cent, of the popula- tion. They are found everywhere, but are proportionately strongest in Jaipur (over 13 per cent.), Karauh, Dholpur, and Bikaner. Their principal divisions are Daima, Gaur, Kanaujia, Pahwal, Purohit, Push- karna, Saraswat (Sarsut), and Srimal \ and their chief occupations are priestly duties, trade, State or private service, and agriculture. Many of them hold Ian4 rent free.

The Jats (845,909, or 8-7 per cent, of the population) were very widely established all over North-Western Rajputana when the now dominant clans began to rule in those parts, and without doubt this tract was one of their most ancient habitations. At the present time they outnumber every other caste in Bikaner, Kishangarh, and Jodhpur, and they are regarded as the best cultivators in the country. Socially, they stand at the head of the widow-marrying castes, and in Bharatpur and Dholpur they are politically important, as the chiefs of those States are Jats. In Blkanei the headman of the Godara sept has the privilege of making the ttlak or mark of inauguration on the fore- head of each new chief of that State, in accordance with a promise made by Rao Bika when he took parts of the country from them in the fifteenth century.

The Mahajans or Banias (754,317, or 7-8 per cent, of the population) are for the most part traders and bankers, some having business con- nexions all over India, while not a few are in State service. They are distributed throughout the country, but are proportionately most numerous in Sirohi, where they form 12-2 per cent, of the population, and Partabgarh (about ir per cent.). The principal caste units are Agarwal, Oswal, MahesrI, Khandelwal, Saraogi, and Porwal.

The Chamars number 688,023, or 7 per cent, of the population , they are curriers, tanners, day-labourers, and village menials, and many are agriculturists. Their name is derived from the Sanskrit charma- Mra : a 'worker in leather,' and they claim a Brahmamcal origin. The story runs that five Brahman brothers were cooking their food on the roadside, when a cow came and died close to the spot. After some discussion, the youngest brother offered to remove the carcass, and when he had done so his brethren excommunicated him; and since then it has been the business of his descendants to remove the carcasses of cattle The Chamars are more numerous than any other caste in the States of Bharatpur, Dholpur, Kotah, and Tonk. In BIKANER a member of this caste founded a sect about 1830 which is called after him, Lalgir, and numbers high-caste men among its adherents ; a brief account will be found in the article on that State.

The Rajputs numbei 620,229, or 6-4 per cent, of the population. According to tradition there are two branches of this tribe, the Suraj- bansi or Solar race, and the Chandrabansi or Lunar race. To these must be added the Agmkula or Fire group Surajbansi Rajputs claim descent from Ikshwaku, son of the Manu Vaivaswat, who was the son of Vaivaswat, the sun. Ikshwaku is said to have been bom from the nostril of the Manu as he happened to sneeze. The principal clans of the Solar group are the Sesodia, Rathor, and Kachwaha, of which the chiefs of Udaipur, Jodhpur, and Jaipur are the respective heads.

The Lunar race affect to be descended from the moon, to whom they trace their line through Budha or Mercury, the son of Soma. The principal clans are the Jadon and its branch, the Bhati, represented by the chiefs of Karauli and Jaisalmer respectively , the Tonwar, which once ruled in Delhi ; and the Jadeja, to which the rulers of Cutch and Navanagar in the Bombay Presidency belong.

The Agnikulas or Fire tribes are supposed to have been brought into existence by a special act of creation of comparatively recent mythological date. The earth was overrun by demons, the sacred books were held m contempt, and there was none on whom the devout could call for help in their troubles. Viswamitra, once a Kshattriya, who had raised himself to be a Brahman, moved the gods to assemble on Abu ; four images of dubh grass were thrown into the fire fountain, and called into life by appropriate incantations. From these sprang the four clans : the Paramara or Ponwar, the Chaluk or Solanki, the Parihar, and the Chauhan. The chiefs of Bundi, Kotah, and Sirohi belong to the last named.

Of the various Rajput clans enumerated in 1901, the Rathor stood first with 1 2 2, 1 60 , the Kachwaha second with ioo,i86 ; and the Chauhan third with 86,460. Then followed the Jadon clan (74,666), the Sesodia (51,366), the Ponwar (43,435), the Solanki (18,949), and the Parihar (9,448), The Rajputs are, of course, the aristocracy of the country, and as such hold the land to a very large extent, either as receivers of rent or as cultivators. By reason of their position as integral families of pure descent, as a landed nobility, and as the kinsmen of ruling chiefs, they are also the aristocracy of India ; and their social piestige may be measured by observing that there is hardly a tribe or clan (as distinguished from a caste) in all India which does not claim descent from, or irregular connexion with, one of these Rajput stocks, The Rajput proper is very proud of his warlike reputa- tion, and most punctilious on points of etiquette. The tradition of common ancestry has preserved among them the feeling which permits a poor Rajput yeoman to hold himself as good a gentleman as the most powerful landowner of his own clan, and superior to any high official of the professional classes But, as a race, they are inclined to live too much on the past and to consider any occupation other than that of arms or government as derogatory to their dignity; and the result is that those who do not hold land have rather dropped behind in the modern struggle for existence, where book-learning counts for more than strength of arm. As cultivators, they are lazy and indiffer- ent, and prefer pastoral to agricultural pursuits; they look upon all manual labour as humiliating, and none but the poorest classes will themselves follow the plough. Excluding the 34,445 who are Musal- mans (mostly in the western States), the Rajputs are orthodox Hindus, and worship the divinities favoured by the sect to which they happen to belong. Their marriage customs are strictly exogamous, a marriage within the clan being regarded as incestuous, and in this way each clan depends on others for its wives. But running through the entire series of septs are to be found the usages of isogamy and hypergamy, which exercise a profound influence on their society. The men of the higher sept can take their wives from a lower, but a corresponding privilege is denied to the women ; the result is a surplus of women in the higher septs, and competition for husbands sets in, leading to the payment of a high price for bridegrooms, and enormously increasing the expense of getting a daughter married, It was partly to remedy this state of affairs that the Walterkrit Sabha, already mentioned, was started.

The Mmas number 477,129, or nearly 5 per cent, of the population, being proportionately strongest in Karauli and Bundi. There are numerous clans, of which one (the Osara) contains the asll or unmixed stock, but has very few members ; the others are of mixed blood, claiming irregular descent from Rajputs, Brahmans, Gujars, &c. The Mmas are among the earliest inhabitants of Rajputana, and were formerly the rulers of much of the country now called Jaipur. They were dispossessed by the Kachwaha Rajputs about the beginning of the twelfth century, and for some time after it was the custom for one of their number to mark the tlka on the forehead of each new chief of Amber. In Jaipur and Alwar they are divided into two mam classes, namely zamlndari and chaiikidart^ which do not intermarry. The former are steady and well-behaved cultivators (and are found also in the three eastern States, Bharatpur, Dholpur, and Karauli), while the latter were, and to some extent still are, famous as marauders. In Bundi State and in the rugged country round Jahazpur and Deoli, which is called the Kherar and belongs to Bundi, Jaipur, and Udaipur, are found the Parihar Mlnas, who claim descent from the Parihar Rajputs of Mandor. They are a fine athletic race, formerly notorious as savage and daring robbers , but they have settled down to a great extent, and the infantry portion of the 42nd (Deoli) Regiment (or the Mina Battalion, as it was called from 1857 to 1860) has for many years been largely composed of them. Nearly 97 per cent, of the Mmas of Rajputana are Hindus , but among them, m the south and south-east of Jodhpur, is a sept called Dhedia which, though large in numbers, is low in social standing, chiefly because its members eat the flesh of cows.

The Gujars (462,739) are mostly cattle breeders and dealers and agriculturists. They are a stalwart race, very similar to the Jats, with whom they can eat and drink, although they occupy a slightly lower social position. They were formerly noted cattle-lifters in Dholpur and Karauli, but now give little trouble. There are two main endoga- mous divisions of Gujars, namely Laur and Khan ; and in Bharatpur the former has the privilege of furnishing nurses for the ruling family.

The BHILS are described in a separate article. In 1901 they num- bered 339,786, or about 3-! per cent, of the total population, They are found in every State except Alwar, Bharatpur, Dholpur, Karauli, and the petty chiefship of Lawa, but are most numerous m their early home in the south.

An account of the Meos will be found in the article on MEW AT. In 1901 the tribe numbered 168,596, nearly 98 per cent, of whom were in Alwar and Bharatpur.

Taking the population by religions, Hindus in 1901 numbered 8,089,513, or more than 83 per cent. ; Musalmans, 924,656, or 9^ per cent. ; Animists, 360,543, or about 3! per cent. ; Jains, 342,595, or 3^ per cent. ; Christians, 2,840 ; and ' others ' (such as Sikhs, Aryas, Parsis, Brahmos, and Jews), 3,154.

Hindus predominate in every State except Banswaia. In Karauli they form nearly 94 per cent, of the population, and in Dholpur, Bundi, Jaipur, and Shahpura over 90. The lowest proportions are found in the south, namely: Partabgarh (61), Dungarpur (56), and Banswara (under 31 per cent.). No attempt was made at the last Census to record the numerous sects of Hindus, but an account of the Dadupanthis will be found m the article on NARAINA, a town in Jaipur State which is their head-quarters.

Of the Musalmans, over 97 per cent, belong to the Sunni sect, more than 2 to the Shiah, and the rest (4,735 persons) to the Wahhabi sect. Those of indigenous origin still retain their ancient Hindu customs and ideas. The local saints and deities are regularly worshipped, the Brahman officiates at all family ceremonials side by side with the Musalman priest, and if m matters of creed they are Muhammadans in matters of form they are Hindus

The Animists are found in eleven States, and are mostly Bhils and Girasias residing in the wild tracts in the south. They share the usual belief that man is surrounded by a ghostly company of powers, ele- ments, and tendencies, some of whom dwell m trees, rivers, or rocks, while others preside over cholera, small-pox, or cattle diseases, and all require to be diligently propitiated by means of offerings and ceremonies, in which magic and witchcraft play an important part.

The main Jam sects are the ancient divisions of the Digambara, whose images are unclothed, whose ascetics go naked, and who assert that women cannot attain salvation , and the Swetambara, who hold the opposite view regarding women, and whose images are clothed in white. An offshoot from the latter, known as Dhundia, carnes to an extreme the doctrine of the preservation of animal life, and worships gurus instead of idols In 1901 more than 32 per cent, of the Jains returned their sect as Digambara, 45 as Swetambara, and the rest as Dhundia.

The Christians (2,840) are made up of 969 Europeans and allied races, 503 Eurasians, and 1,368 natives. They have increased by 53 per cent, since 1891, namely by 21 per cent, among Europeans and Eurasians, and more than 1 1 1 per cent, among the natives. The latter figure is due chiefly to missionary enterprise, which received a great impetus during the famine of 1899-1900, when the various societies opened refuges for orphans and other destitute persons. Of the 1,368 native Christians enumerated in 1901, 40 per cent, were Presbyterians, 20 per cent. Roman Catholics, a further 20 per cent. Methodists, and 10 per cent belonged to the Church of England. The largest Christian community is to be found m Jaipur, where the United Free Church of Scotland Mission has had a branch since 1866, and where there are important railway centres at Bandikui and Phalera. Next comes Sirohi with its railway population at Abu Road, and a number of Europeans at Mount Abu ; and then, m order, follow Kotah, Udaipur, Jodhpur, Alwar, Bharatpur, and Bikaner. The Scot- tish mission above mentioned has had branches at the city of Udaipur since 1877, at Alwar since 1880, at Jodhpur since 1885, and at Kotah since 1889, while the Church Missionary Society has been represented at the cantonment of Kherwara since i88i,and at Bharatpur since 1902.

With the exception of Sirohi State, Rajputana is included m the Anglican see of the Bishop of Nagpur, and in the Roman Catholic Prefecture of Rajputana, which was established in 1891 and is ad- ministered by the Capuchin Fathers of Pans, the Prefect Apostolic having his head-quarters at Agia, Sirohi State forms part of the Anglican diocese, and of the Roman Catholic archdiocese, of Bombay.

More than 56 per cent, of the total population m 1901 returned some foim of agriculture as their principal means of. subsistence ; more than 51 per cent, were either landlords or tenants, nearly 5 per cent, were field-labourers, and 0-2 per cent, were growers of special products, rent collectors, &c. In addition to these, about 223,000 persons (or a further 2 J per cent ), who mentioned some other employment as the chief source of their livelihood, were also partially agncultunsts ; and 5^ per cent more, who were shown under the head of general labourers, were doubtless to some extent supported by work in the fields In Dholpur over 74 per cent., and in Bikaner 71 per cent., of the population are entirely dependent on agriculture, while the lowest ratios (32 and 33 per cent) are found in Sirohi and Lawa. More than 18 per cent, of the total population, including dependents, are maintained by the preparation and supply of material substances ; and of these, rather less than one-third find a livelihood by the pro- vision of food and drink, nearly one-fourth by working and dealing in textile fabiics and aress, while about one-eighth are engaged in the leather industry. Personal and domestic services provide employment for about 4| per cent , and commeice for i\ pei cent, of the popu- lation.

The majority of the people have three meals a day namely, the first in the early morning before going to work, the second at midday, and the third any time after sunset. The morning meal consists either of the remains of the previous evening's chapatis^ or of a kind of porridge (rabri) of the flour of maize, bdjra^ or jowar, coarsely pounded and boiled overnight in diluted buttermilk. The midday and evening meals usually consist of chapdtis, pulse, and vegetables, washed down with milk or water. The chapatis or unleavened cakes are made of wheat, barley, maize, bajra, or jowdr^ according to the means of the consumer. A favourite dish of the more substantial farmers in the north and west is pounded bdjra mixed with moth in the proportion of four to one, boiled in water, and improved by the addition of a little clarified butter or fresh oil. Animal food is not in general use, though most Rajputs and some of the other Hindu castes eat it when they can afford it. The flesh of goats and wild hog is highly esteemed by the Rajputs, while that of sheep or fowls is considered inferior in both flavour and nutriment. Speaking generally, rice is a luxury, and sugar, sweetmeats, &c., are consumed only on festive occasions.

There is nothing peculiar about the aress of the people. The poorer Hindu males wear a turban of sorts, a dhoti or loin-cloth, a short jacket reachmg to the waist, and sometimes a sheet over the shoulders which can be used as a wrap for the upper part of the body. Those of the higher and middle classes wear either dhoti or trousers, a shirt (kurta), a long coat (angarkhd), and a cloth round the waist, The ncher men wear a long coat, called ackkan and often very hand- some, in place of, or in addition to, the angarkhd^ and the use of a kerchief (rumat) round the neck or over the turban is popular in some States. There is but little difference in aress between Hindus and Muhammadans , the latter almost always wear trousers, and button their coats to the left instead of to the right like Hindus and Europeans. The aress of a Hindu female consists of a coloured skirt, a half-sleeved bodice, and a sheet or veil taken over the head and round the body. Musalman women wear trousers (faijamas\ a long bodice more like a shirt, and the usual veil \ some of them wear skirts over their trousers, or a skirt and coat sewn as one garment and called iilak. The wilder Bhils are scantily clad, their apparel geneially consisting of a dirty rag round the head and a waistcloth of limited length , their women-folk aress like the poorer Hindus, but wear a number of brass bangles and rings on their arms and legs.

Except where building stone is plentiful, the houses of the people are geneially of mud or unburnt bricks ; some have flat mud roofs suppoited on wooden beams, while others have sloping roofs of ill- baked tiles. The majority are low and badly ventilated, and usually of the same pattern, namely a quadrangular enclosure with rooms ranged round the sides. In the desert tracts the poorer classes have to be content with beehive-shaped huts, made from roots and grass, and usually surrounded by a thorn fence, which serves as a protection against the sand-drifts and hot winds as well as a cattle-pen. The Bhils build their own huts, thatching them with straw and leaves, and in rare cases with tiles, while the walls consist of interwoven bamboos, or mud and loose stones.

Hindus cremate their dead as a rule ; but infants who die before they are weaned, and Sanyasis, Gosains, Bishnois, and Naths are buried. Again, some of the low castes, such as the Chamars, Kolls, and Regars, bury when they cannot afford to burn. The Bhils almost invariably burn their dead \ but the first victim of an outbreak of small- pox is buried, and if, within a certain time, no one else in the village dies of the disease, the body is disinterred and burnt. The Musalmans always practise inhumation.

Apart from cricket, football, lawn tennis, and racquets, which are played at the capitals of some of the States, the chief games of the younger generation are marbles, blindman's-burT, hide-and-seek, top- spinning, and games like hockey, tip-cat, prisoner's base, &c. Kite- flying is practised by both chilaren and adults ; and the indoor amuse- ments are chess, cards, and a kind of backgammon played with cowries and dice. The wealthier Rajputs are fond of horse exercise, and many of them are m the front rank as horsemen and polo-players. The Bhils are no mean archers, and in their own peculiar way get a certain amount of sport yearly. But for the adult rural population as a whole there are few amusements or relaxations ; they meet on the hatai or platform, to smoke and discuss the weather and crops, and the monotony of their daily life is varied only by an occasional marriage or the celebration of one of the annual festivals.

The more important Hindu festivals are the Holi and the Ganger in March ,, the Tij or third of Sawan, being the anniversary of the day on which Parbati was, after long austerities, reunited to Siva, in July ; the Janmashtml, or anniversary of the birth of Krishna, in August; the Dasahra in September or October, and the Dewali in the following month. The chief Muhammadan festivals are the Muharram, the two Ids, and the Shab-i-barat

Among some of the higher and middle classes of the Hindus, it is customary when a child is bom to send for the family priest or astrologer, who, after making certain calculations, announces the initial letter of the name to be given to the infant Chilaren are usually called after some god or goddess, or the day of the week on which they were born, or some jewel or ferocious animal, or are given a name suggestive of power, physical or political. The name of a man's father is never added to his own, whether in adaressing him by speech or letter, but the name of his caste or gotra is sometimes prefixed or suffixed : e. g, Kothan Hanwant Chand and Bachh Raj Bhandan. The distinctive feature in the names of those belonging to the higher Hindu castes is that the suffixes are generally indicative of the subdivision to which they belong. Thus, among the Brahmans, the name will often end with Deo, Shankar, Ram, Das, &c. ; among the Kshattriyas almost always with Singh ; and among the Vaisyas with Mai, Chand, Lai, &c. The Sudras, on the other hand, usually have only one name, a diminutive of that of a higher class, such as Bheria (Bhairon Lai), Chhatria (Chhatar Bhuj), and Uda (Udai Ram). The most common suffixes used in the names of places are : -pur, -pura, -khera> -war, -ward) -nagar, -ner, and -olt, all meaning c town, 3 ' village,' * hamlet/ or 'habitation 5 ; -garh ('fort'), and -mer ('hill').

Agriculture

Excluding Sirohi State and the comparatively fertile portions of Marwar found along the banks of the Luni river and its tributaries, the country to the west, north, and north-west of the .

Aravalli Hills, comprising the whole rf Jaisalmer, ure "

Bikaner, and Shekhawati, and most of Jodhpur, is a vast sandy tract. Water is far from the surface and scarce ; and irrigation is, in most parts, impracticable, for not only is the supply of water too scanty to admit of its being used for this purpose, but the depth of the wells usually exceeds 75 feet, the maximum at which well-irrigation has been found profitable. The Luni occasionally overflows and, on the subsidence of its waters, an alluvial deposit remains, which yields good crops of wheat, and there are tracts in Jodhpur and Bikaner where artificial irrigation is possible ; but, speaking generally, the people have to depend for their supply of grain almost entirely on the crops sown in the rainy season, which, in this part of the country, is of very uncertain character. When rain does fall, it sinks into the sandy soil and does not flow off the surface, so that a very small rainfall suffices for the crops. In the eastern half of Rajputana, the agricultural conditions are very different. The rainfall is heavier and more regular; every variety of soil is found, from the light sand of the west to the richest alluvial loam, and there are extensive tracts of black mould which produce excellent crops of wheat and barley without artificial irriga- tion. Further, water is generally near the surface, and wells are very numerous ; there are several considerable rivers and streams, and a large number of tanks. It follows, then, that, except in a very few parts, two crops a year are the rule and not the exception.

There are two kinds of crops : those cultivated during the rainy season are called khanf or sdwnu or sialu> while the cold-season crops are known as rabi or unalu,

The system of agriculture is everywhere very simple, and the imple- ments in use are of the rudest description. For the rams crops, ploughing operations commence with the first good fall of rain, and the land is ploughed from once to three times according to the stiffness of the soil In the western half of Rajputana, a camel or a pair of bullocks is yoked to the plough, but sometimes donkeys or buffaloes are used. The camels of the desert walk swiftly, and the ploughs are of very trifling weight ; consequently each cultivator is able to put a large extent of ground under crop. It is estimated that, in the light sandy soil, a man with a camel or a pair of good bullocks can plough from two to three acres a day. The seed is usually sown by means of a drill or bamboo tube attached to the rear of the plough, but some- times, especially m the case of ///, broadcast. In the cultivation of the rdbi crops more trouble is taken. The land receives several ploughings transverse to each other, and is harrowed and levelled in order to retain the moisture. When the seed has been sown and the crops begin to sprout, considerable attention is paid to weeding ; thorn fences are erected to keep out cattle and hog ; scarecrows are set up to frighten away the birds, and 'persons are engaged to keep watch and are provided with slings or a noisy instrument, called thah> in the western States.

In the south of Raj pu tana a peculiar mode of cultivation is practised by the Bhils; it is called -walar or wa/ra, and resembles the jhwn of Assam and the kumri of the Western Ghats. It consists of cutting down a patch of forest and burning the trees on the ground in order to clear room for a field, which is manured by the ashes. After a year or two, the soil is exhausted and another felling takes place. The system, which is, of course, most destructive to the forests, has been prohibited in Dungarpur and Sirohi.

The principal rams crops are bdjra (Penmsetum typhoideuni) or spiked millet, and jowar (Sorghum vidgare) or great millet. The former is sown as early as possible, even in May if rain falls in that month, and takes about three months to ripen ; it is the chief crop in the western and northern States, and also in Alwar, Bhaiatpur, Dholpur, Karauli, and the greater part of Jaipur. Jowar requires a stiffer soil and more ram, and is sown later \ it is the most common crop in Bundi, Jhalawar, Kotah, Tonk, and parts of Partabgarh and Udaipur. Other kharif crops are maize or Indian corn, the food of the masses in the south ; moth and mung> both species of the kidney bean ; cotton ; and a coarse kind of rice. The cultivation of the latter is practically confined to Banswara, Dungarpur, and parts of Jaipur, Karauli, and Kotah. Of these crops, the only ones that usually require manure or artificial irrigation are maize and cotton. The principal rabi crops are wheat, barley, gram or chick-pea, sugar-cane, poppy, tobacco, tan (Indian hemp), and indigo. They require eithei constant irrigation or one of the best natural soils, and are therefore to be found chiefly in the favoured eastern half of the country. The oilseeds consist of til (Sesa- mum indicum] in the rainy season, and mustard, rape, linseed, and castor in the cold season. Of these, til is by far the most important ; it is usually grown by itself, but is sometimes mixed v\ft\jowar or cotton.

Manure is hardly used at all in the desert tracts m the west and north, and elsewhere is applied chiefly to irrigated lands, where the more valuable crops such as wheat, barley, poppy, sugar-cane, and tobacco are grown, or to gardens. It consists of the dung of cattle, sheep, and goats, night-soil, village sweepings, deciduous leaves, jungle- plants, &c. ; and of these, the dung of sheep and goats is preferred as being the most powerful. Bone manure is used to a small extent in Kishangarh, but is not altogether acceptable. The practice of penning sheep and goats on the fields for a few days is common everywhere.

Among the cultivated fiuits are the apricot, custard-apple, guava, mango, mulberry, orange, peach, plantain, plum, pomegranate, pum- melo, tamarind, and several varieties of fig, lime, and melon. Many kinds of vegetables are grown for household use or for sale, such as artichoke, beet, cabbage, carrot, cauliflower, celery, egg-plant, onion, parsnip, potato, radish, spinach, tomato, turnip, yam, and several of the gourd and cucumber family.

Of improvement in agricultural practice there is very little to record. In a few of the States the seed is carefully selected, and cases are known of experiments with Egyptian cotton, American maize, and Turkish tobacco , but as a whole the cultivators are very conservative.

The majority of the States advance money for the construction or repairs of wells and tanks, and for the purchase of seed, bullocks, and agricultural implements. In some cases these loans are free of interest, and in others a rate varying from 6 to 1 2 per cent, per annum is charged. In adverse seasons takavi advances are given freely throughout Rajput- ana, and in 1899-1900 they amounted to more than 24 lakhs.

Except in parts of the north-east and east, where the recent famines and scarcities were less severely felt than elsewhere, the cultivators are generally in debt, and many of them are heavily involved. This state of affairs is due partly to their own extravagance and imprudence or to debts they have inherited, partly to bad seasons, and partly to the grasping methods of the bohrd or professional money-lender. In several States the majority of the cultivators are entirely in the hands of their bohras and depend on them for everything. The rate of interest varies from 1 8 to 36 per cent, yearly } and the profits of the money-lender are swelled by charging compound interest, by making loans m bajra or jmvdr and insisting on a similar quantity of wheat in repayment, and in various other ways.

Agricultural statistics exist for the whole of one State (Bharatpur) and for portions of nine others, but they are available only for the last few years, and cannot be considered as altogether reliable. The table below is for the year 1903-4. The figures in the third column relate, for the most part, to kkdlsa lands only, i.e. those paying full revenue to the State ; while the figures m the fourth column are obtained by deducting from them the areas occupied by forests, towns, villages, rivers, &c., or otherwise not available for cultivation. The differences between the figures in the last two columns represent the area cropped more than once

Thus returns exist for 26,177 square miles, or about one-fifth of the whole ; and of this area nearly four-fifths are available for cultivation. The net area cropped was 8,124 square miles, or 31 per cent, of the area for which returns exist and 40 per cent, of the area available for cultivation. Turning to individual States, the highest percentages of area cropped to that available for cultivation are found in Kishangarh, where the entire cultivable area is said to have been under crop, Alwar (82), Bharatpur (80), and Dholpur (74) ; and the lowest percentage in Bikaner (between 14 and 15).

The table on the next page gives the areas under principal crops in 1903-4, and shows that, of the total cultivated area, bdjra occupied 22 per cent., jowdr about 16, wheat nearly 9, and gram over 7 per cent.

These tables, though incomplete and imperfectly reliable, give an approximate guide to the conditions in the remaining four-fifths of Rajputana, Taking the States mentioned in the tables, it is doubtless the case that the rest of Jodhpur is, on the whole, less fertile and less cultivated than the 4,320 square miles for which returns exist, and that the large sandy district of Shekhawati (in Jaipur) is, as regards pro- ductiveness and quality of soil, far inferior to the rest of that State and more resembles Blkaner. Yet, with these exceptions, there is reason to believe that the extent of cultivation injdglr and muafi lands, held revenue free or at reduced rates, is probably much the same as in the khalsa area. Again, turning to the States whose names do not appear in the table, Jaisalmer is no doubt a more sterile country than even its immediate neighbours to the east and north-east, but the central and south-eastern districts of Udaipur, the greater part of Partabgarh, and the southern half of Bundi will hold their own against any tract in Rajputana ; they are extensively cultivated and yield all the valuable spring crops, including poppy.

The main wealth of the desert lands of the west and north consists in the vast herds of camels, horned cattle, and sheep which roam over the sandy wastes and thrive admirably in the dry climate.

Camels are looked on rather as members of the family than as dumb animals ; they plough and harrow the ground, bring home the harvest, carry wood and water, and are both ridden and driven. Their milk is used both as an article of diet and as a medicine ; a fair profit is made from the sale of their wool, and, when they die, their skin is made into jars for holding #& and oil, The riding camels bred in these parts are probably superior to any others in India, and the best of them will cover from 80 to 100 miles in a night when emergency demands speed, The price varies from Rs. 150 to Rs. 300. The Jaisalmer camels are famed for their easy paces and hardiness, and can go long distances without food or water, subsisting for days on a little unrefined sugar and alum, which are carried in the saddle-bags. The best of this breed are smaller and finer in the head and neck than the ordinary camel. The camels of Jodhpur and Blkaner are larger and stronger than those of Jaisalmer, and are often very swift.

VOL. XXI. I

The bullocks of Nagaur, a district of Jodhpur, where they are chiefly bred, are famous throughout Northern India, and are sold at all the principal fairs. They are noted for their size, and their massive horns and humps ; a pair sometimes fetches Rs. 300, but the average price is Rs. 150. The cows of all the sandy tracts (especially Mallani and Sanchor in Jodhpur, and Pugal in Bikaner) are held in the highest esteem ; they sell for Rs. 40 to Rs. 200, and give from five to ten seeis of milk a day, but they require cleanliness and good food, and have to be carefully tended when away from their native pastures.

Goats and sheep are reared in large numbers in the west and north ; the former supply the greater part of the animal food of the country, and their milk is in general use as an article of diet, especially in the desert. Sheep are kept principally for their wool, but are exported in large numbers ; those of western Bikaner are said to be among the largest in India, while those of Jodhpur and Jaisalmei, though small, fatten excellently, and, when well fed, yield mutton second to none.

The horses of Mallani and Jalor (two districts of Marwar) are re- nowned for their hardiness and ease of pace; they grow to a good height and, though light-boned, will carry plenty of weight and cover long distances without food or water.

In the eastern half of the country there is nothing remarkable about the live-stock, but efforts are being made by several Darbars to improve the breed of cattle by importing bulls from Hissar and Nagaur.

The principal fairs,, are held at Pushkar, in Ajmer, in October or November, and at Tilwara, near Balotra in Jodhpur, m March ; horse and cattle fairs are also held at Alwar, Bharatpur, and Dholpur. There is an important fair at Parbatsar in Jodhpur in September, at which many bullocks change hands, and smaller cattle or camel fairs are held at several places in Bikaner.

The chief sources of irrigation are wells, tanks or reservoirs, and canals. Statistics are available for the area dealt with m the two pre- ceding tables, and are set forth below. Of the total area cropped in 1903-4, 1,486 square miles, or more than 17 per cent, were irrigated: namely, three-fourths from wells and one-eighth from tanks and canals. The percentages of area irrigated to total area cropped varied from 45 in Kishangarh, 38 in Dholpur, and 33 in Jaipur, to 8 m Kotah, where artificial irrigation is m many parts unnecessary, and 2 in Bikaner, where it is more or less impracticable except m the north. In the rest of Rajputana, excluding Jaisalmer, it is reported that from one- sixth to one-fourth of the cultivated area is usually irrigated, the higher Percentages being found in Sirohi and Udaipur.

The States which are best protected by irrigation are Jaipur, Bharat- pur, Kishangarb, Alwar, Kotah, and the chiefship of Shahpura

In Jaipur much has been done since 1868 in the construction of tanks, reservoirs, and canals. In the kMlsa area alone there are 200 irrigation works under the management of the Public Works department; they have cost more than 66 lakhs up to 1904, and brought in a gross revenue of nearly 59 lakhs. Bharatpur State has spent 10 lakhs since 1895, and now possesses 164 irrigation works, which are kept in good order by its Public Works department. The more important canals outside these two States are the Ghaggar canals in Bikaner, the Parbati canal in Kotah, and those connected with the Jaswant Sagar near Bilara in Jodhpur. Since the famine of 1899-1900 increased attention has been paid in almost every State to the subject of irrigation. In accordance with the recommendations of the Irriga- tion Commission of 1901-3, investigations have been undertaken in the greater part of Rajputana at the expense of the Government of India and under the supervision of British engineers, with the object of drawing up projects for utilizing to the best advantage all available sources of water-supply.

Wells are the mainstay of the eastern half of the country, as also of Sirohi and parts of Jodhpur. Their number is roughly estimated at 300,000 \ and they are, almost without exception, the property of individual cultivators, the Darbars merely encouraging their construc- tion by a system of agricultural advances known as takavi, or by liberal rules in the matter of land revenue assessment. The cost varies from a few rupees for a temporary well, to about Rs. 1,500 for a deep and permanent structure. Except in Sirohi and parts of Jodhpur, Kotah, and Udaipur, where the Persian wheel is used, the water is lifted by means of leathern buckets drawn up with a rope and pulley by bul- locks moving down an inclined plane. In the case of shallow wells, a contrivance known as dhenkH is everywhere popular. It is similar to the shadoof employed in Egypt, and consists of a stout rod, balanced on a vertical post, with a heavy weight at one end and a leathern bucket or earthen pot suspended by a rope to the other. The worker dips the bucket or pot into the water, and, aided by the counterpoising weight, empties it into a hole from which a channel conducts the water to the lands to be irrigated. Water is sometimes lifted from streams in the same way.

Rent wages and prices

Wages vary greatly according to locality, but have increased every- where during the last twenty years. The landless day labourer now receives from two to four annas daily, instead of

Kent, wages, f rom Qne to two annas j n f orme r times, while the

monthly wage of domestic servants has risen 20 or 25 per cent. As regards agricultural labour, the system of payment in kind is common ; and the village artisans and servants, such as carpen- ters, potters, blacksmiths, workers in leather, and barbers, are almost always remunerated in this way. In some States the cultivators employ labourers for a particular harvest, and give them two or three rupees a month in addition to food and clothes, or a share of the produce ; and in such cases these helps are usually of the same caste as their employers, so that they may eat together and thus economize food. The wages of skilled labour have, as elsewhere, risen consider- ably in consequence of the extension of railways and industries, and the general rise in prices.

The table below shows the average price of the staple food-grains (and of salt) in seers per rupee during the twenty-eight years ending 1900, excluding years of acute famine. The figures opposite the eastern division represent the average prices in the Alwar, Bharatpur, Dholpur, Jaipui, Karauli, and Udaipur States, while those opposite the western division relate to Bikaner, Jaisalmer, and Jodhpur.

It will be seen that the prices of all grains have risen since 1890, and this was due to a series of indifferent seasons. The importance of railways as levellers of prices cannot be overestimated ; in the famine of 1868-9, when there was no railway ? grain sold for less than 4 seerg per rupee, whereas in the recent famine of 1899-1900 prices were never higher than 7 or 8 seers.

The material condition of the urban population is generally satis- factory, and the standard of living is considerably higher than it was thirty or forty years ago. The middle-class clerk has sufficient income to aress well, diet himself liberally, and give his sons an English education; his house is comfortably, if simply, furnished, and he can generally afford to keep a personal servant. In rural areas, on the other hand, there has been little change in the style of living, and in some States there has been a perceptible falling off owing to recent adverse seasons. It is only by the exercise of thrift and frugality that the people can hold their own. The cultivators, as a whole, are in- differently housed and poorly clad, and their food, if sufficient, consists usually of inferior grains. The condition of the ordinary labourer shows some improvement, in consequence of the increase in wages and the extension of public works.

Forests

There are no large timber forests in Rajputana, but the woodlands are extensive upon the south-western Aravallis and throughout the hilly tracts adjoining, where the rainfall is good. Mount Abu is well wooded from summit to skirts and ores 4 s -

possesses several valuable kinds of timber; and from Abu north-east- ward the western slopes of the range are still well clothed with trees and bushes up to the neighbourhood of Merwara. Below the hills on this western side runs a belt of jungle, sometimes spreading out along the river beds for some distance into the plain. All vegetation, how- ever, rapidly decreases m the direction of the Luni ; and beyond that river, Marwar, Bikaner, and Jaisalmer have scarcely any trees at all, except a few plantations close to villages or towns. In the west and south of Mewar the forests stretch for miles, covering the hills with scrub jungle and the valleys with thickets ; while the southern- most States of Banswara, Dungarpur, and Partabgarh are, in proportion to their size, the best wooded of any in Rajputana. Here teak and other valuable timber trees would thrive well if the jungles were not periodically ruined by the Bhils, who burn them down for the purposes of sport or agriculture almost unchecked. In Bundi and Kotah, and in parts of Jaipur, Alwar, and Karauli, the woodlands are considerable, but they contain very little valuable timber. Elsewhere in Rajputana there are only fuel and fodder reserves.

The principal trees found in the forest are dhak (Butea frondosd)^ dhaman (Grewia pilosa), dhao (Anogeissus$endula) t gol (Odina Wodier)^ jdmun (Eugenia Jambolana}) karayia (Stirculia urens\ salar (Borwellia thuriferd)) semal (Bombax malabancum\ tendu (Diospyros tomentosa)^ and urn (Saecopetalum tomentosum). Teak is found sparingly and seldom attains any size ; the mango, inahua (Bassia lattfolia\ and the small bamboo are common. The minor forest produce consists of grass, firewood, bamboos, fruits, honey, lac, gum, &c,

In some States right-holders get forest produce ftee or at reduced rates \ and in years of scarcity the forests are usually thrown open to the people for gracing, grass-cutting, and the collection of fruits, tubers, &c.

The area under the management of the Forest departments of the various States cannot be given. Indeed, in many of the States there is no real Forest department, the staff being chiefly engaged in guarding game-pi eserves or providing forage and fuel for Raj establishments , but in Ahvar, Jaipur, Jodhpur, Kotah, and Sirohi the forest area amounts to about 2,800 square miles, and efforts are made to work the forests on proper lines. The forest revenue in these five States, excluding the value of grass, wood, &c., taken free by right-holders or supplied for the requirements of the Darbar, is about 2-5 lakhs, and the expenditure nearly 1-5 lakhs.

Mines and minerals

The most important mineral now being worked is coal at Palana in Blkaner. It is of Tertiary age, and was discovered in 1896 in associa- tion with Nummuhtic rocks. Mining operations Ml ? es j*? d were started in 1898, and the colliery was connected with the Jodhpur-Bikaner Railway by a branch line, ten miles long, in the following year. The output has risen from about 500 tons in 1898 to over 44,000 tons in 1904. The coal is of inferior quality, but when mixed with the Bengal variety is found satisfactory, and is largely used on the Jodhpur-Bikaner Railway and by the Public Works department of the State \ attempts are being made to manufacture briquettes The colliery gives employment to about 100 labourers.

What Colonel Tod called the tin mines of Mewar, once very pro- ductive and yielding no inconsiderable portion of silver, are probably the lead and zinc mines of the village of Jawar, 16 miles south of Udaipur city, They are said to have been worked till 1812, when, m consequence of a famine, the village was depopulated. Prospecting operations, undertaken in 1872, showed but a very small proportion of silver in two specimens of galena, namely, about io| ounces to a ton of lead \ and the mines have since been untouched. There are old lead-workings in the Thana Ghazi district of Alwar, and the remains of zinc furnaces at Sojat in Jodhpur.

Copper is found in several States, and was formerly smelted m considerable quantities. The most important mines are at KHETRI and SINGHANA in Jaipur, and they must have produced copper for a long period. Some of the hills are honeycombed with old excava- tions , and the heaps of slag from the furnaces have accumulated, in the course of time, until they now form a range of hillocks several hunared feet in length, and from 30 to 60 feet high. The ores are copper pyrites, and some carbonates also occur , considerable quantities of blue vitriol (copper sulphate), alum, and copperas (iron sulphate) were formerly manufactured from decomposed slates and refuse. At Danba, the chief mine in Alwar, the ores are also copper pyrites, but are mixed with arsenical iron, and occur irregularly disseminated through the black slates, only a few specks and stains being seen in the quartzites. Here, as elsewhere, the industry is diminishing owing to the impoitation of copper fiom Europe, and the mine is practically abandoned.

Iron ores are pretty generally distributed throughout the country, but the most noteworthy deposits are found in Jaipur, Alwar, and Udaipur. In the first of these States, the mines at Karwar have long been abandoned, in consequence, it is said, of the scarcity of fuel but in the south-west of Alwar, the eastern half of Udaipur, and in parts of Kotah, the ores are worked on a small scale to supply native furnaces.

Cobalt has long been known as occurring in the mines near KHKTRI, in association with nickel and copper ores. It has been compared to a line grey sand having the appearance of iron filings, and is found m minute crystals belonging to the isometric system, mixed with copper and iron pyrites. Under the name of sefifa, it is exported to Jaipur, Delhi, and other places, and is used by Indian jewelleis for producing a blue enamel.

The rocks of Rajputana are rich in good building materials 1 . The ordinary quartzite of the Aravallis is well adapted for many purposes ; the more schistose beds are employed as flagstones or for roofing, and slates are found in the Alwar and Bundi hills.

Limestone is abundant in several parts, and is used both for building and for burning into lime. Two local forms of it stand pre-eminent among the ornamental stones of India for their beauty namely, the Raialo group, quarried at Raialo (Raiala) in Jaipur, at Jhiri in Alwar, and at MAKRANA in Jodhpur; and the Jaisalmer limestone. The former is a fine-grained crystalline marble, the best being pure white in colour, while others are grey, pink, or variegated. The famous Taj at Agra was built mainly of white Makrana marble, and it is proposed to use the same stone in the construction of the Victoria Memorial Hall at Calcutta. The Jaisalmer variety is of far later geological age ; it is even-grained, compact, of a buff or light brown colour, and is admirably adapted for fine carving. It takes a fair polish, and was at one time used for lithographic blocks.

Sandstone is plentiful almost everywhere, varying greatly in texture and colour. The most famous quarries are at Bansi Paharpur in Bharatpur State 3 they have furnished materials for the most celebrated monuments of the Mughal dynasty at Agra, Delhi, and Fatehpur Sikri, as well as for the beautiful palaces at Dig, There are two varieties of this stone : namely, a very fine-grained yellowish white ; and a dark red, speckled with yellow or white spots. The quarries give employ- ment to 450 labourers, and the out-turn is about 14,000 tons a year. Excellent red sandstone comes from Dalmera in Blkaner, from Dholpur, and from several places in Jodhpur, where also the brown, pink, and yellow varieties are found.

Beds of unctuous clay or fuller's earth are found in parts of Bikaner and the two western States from 5 to 8 feet below the surface ; the clay is used locally as a hair-wash or for dyeing cloth, and is exported in considerable quantities to Sind and the Punjab under the name of multani mitti,

Large deposits of gypsum occur in the vicinity of Nagaur and at other places in Jodhpur; the mineral is used as cement for the interiors of houses, and the yearly output is about 5,000 tons.

Of pigments, a black mineral paint, discovered in Kishangarh in 1886, has been successfully tried on the Rajputana-Malwa and Jodhpur- Bikaner Railways, and on steamers.

The only precious or semi-precious stones at present worked are the garnets, which occur in the mica schists of the Rajmahal hills in Jaipur, near Sarwar in Kishangarh, and to a less extent in the Bhilwara district of Udaipur. Beryl was once worked on a large scale near Toda Rai Singh in Jaipur, and turquoises are said to have been found in the same locality. Rock-crystal is occasionally met with, but of no market- able value.

The salt sources of Rajputana are celebrated. Under agreements entered into with the various Darbars in, or soon after, 1879, the local manufacture of salt has ceased in every State except Blkaner, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, and Kotah. In the first two States, a small amount, limited to about 360 tons in Bikaner and 180 in Jaisalmer, is manufactured at Lunkaransar (Blkaner) and Kanod (Jaisalmer) , but the salt is of inferior quality. Similarly, the Jodhpur and Kotah Darbars are per- mitted to manufacture small quantities of khdri or earth-salt for indus- trial purposes, With these exceptions, the manufacture is entirely in the hands of the Government of India , and the chief salt sources are the SAMBHAR LAKE, leased by the Jaipur and Jodhpur States in 1869-70, the depressions at DIDWANA, PACHBHADRA, Phalodi, and the Luni tract, leased by Jodhpur in 1879, an ^ the lake at Kachor Rewassa, leased by Jaipur in 1879. The only sources now worked are the first three mentioned immediately above, and they are under the charge of the Northern India Salt Revenue department. During the five years ending 1903, the yearly out-turn averaged about 164,000 tons, worth about 9 lakhs ; during the same period the yearly sales have averaged nearly 170,000 tons, and the annual net revenue has been more than in lakhs (say, 743,000).

Arts and manufactures

In manufactures Rajputana has no speciality, unless the making of salt be included under this head. The more important industries are the weaving of muslin, the dyeing and stamping of cotton cloths, the manufacture of carpets, rugs, and other woollen fabrics, enamelling, pottery, and work in ivory, lac, brass, steel, stone, &c.

The weaving of coarse cotton cloths for local use is carried on in almost every village, and cotton rugs (dans) are made in a few places. Among muslins the foremost place is held by those of Kotah, where the charming art of dyeing the thinnest net with a different colour on each surface is still sometimes practised. The dyeing and stamping of cotton cloths is carried on largely in several States, particularly at Sanganer in Jaipur The chintzes are printed in colours by hand blocks, but the industry is decaying owing to machine competition. The patterns on dark green and light yellow cloths are frequently stamped with gold or silver leaf. Tie-dyeing (called chundri bandisK] is practised chiefly in Jaipur and Kotah. The process consists of knotting up with thread any portion of the cloth which is to escape being dyed, For each of the many colours required to produce an elaborate design, a separate knotting is required, and, though the labour involved is great, the rapidity with which the work is done is marvellous.

Fine wool is obtained from Bikaner, Jodhpur, and Shekhawati, and is much prized for carpet-weaving. The principal woollen manufactures are carpets, rugs, shawls, and blankets, especially famous in Bikaner. Felt rugs, saddle-cloths, capes, c., are made at Malpura in Jaipur, and at several places m Jodhpur and Tonk,

For enamelling on gold, Jaipur is acknowledged to be pre-eminent, and some work is done on silver and copper. The enamel is of the kind termed l champteve, i.e. the outline is formed by the plate itself, while the colours are placed in depressions hollowed out of the metal. The red colour is the most difficult to apply, and for this hue Jaipur is famous. The quasi-enamelling of Partabgarh, where the article itself is of glass, is also interesting.

The best pottery is produced in Jaipur, and is practically the same as that for which Delhi has long been noted. The vessels are formed in moulds and, after union of the separate parts, are coated with powdered white felspar mixed with starch, and are then painted. The ware is next dipped in a transparent glaze of glass, and when dry goes to the kiln, where only one baking is required. At Indargarh in Kotah painted pottery is made, the colour being applied after the pottery has been fired.

Ivory-turning is earned on to a small extent in Alwar, Bikaner, Jodhpur, and Udaipur, the articles manufactured being mostly bangles, chessmen, c. At Etawah (in Kotah) boxes and powder-flasks are veneered with horn, ivory, and mother-of-pearl set in lac; while fly- whisks and fans made of ivory or sandal-wood are curiosities produced at Bharatpur. The fibres are beautifully interwoven and, in good specimens, are almost as fine as ordinary horsehair.

Work in lac is practically confined to such small articles as toys, bangles, and stools, and is earned on in most of the States. In Bikaner lac, or some similar varnish, is applied to skin oil-flasks (kiippis\ and in Shahpura lac is used in the ornamentation of shields and tables.

Brass and copper utensils of daily use are manufactured every- where. The brass-work of Jaipur, which is especially artistic, takes the form of tea-tables, salvers, Ganges water-pots, and miniature repro- ductions of bullocks, camels, carts, deer, elephants, &c.

Sword-blades, daggers, knives, &c., are manufactured in Jhalawar, Sirohi, and Udaipur, and, m the second of these States, are often inlaid with gold or silver wire.

The carving of small articles and models in stone is practised chiefly in Alwar, Bharatpur, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, and Jodhpur. Among other industries may be mentioned the manufacture of ornamental saddlery and camel-trappings, leathern jars for ghl and oil, and silver table-ornaments.

There is only one spinning and weaving mill in Rajputana, at Kishangarh. It was opened in 1897 and now employs about 500 hands daily . there are over 10,000 spindles, and the out-turn in 1904 exceeded 685 tons of yarn. Of cotton-presses there are sixteen, half of which belong to private individuals. Jaipur owns three, Kishangarh two, and Udaipur, Bundi, and Shahpura own one each. These eight presses employ from 700 to 1,200 hands daily during the working season, and in 1903-4 about 32,000 bales (of 400 Ib. each) were pressed.

Commerce and Trade

Of the trade of Rajputana in olden days very little is known. The principal marts were Bhilwara in Udaipur, Churu and Rajgarh in Bikaner, Malpura in Jaipur, and Pali m Jodhpur , anc * ^ e ^ ^ orme( ^ tne connecting link between the sea-coast and Northern India. The productions of India, Kashmir, and China were exchanged for those of Europe, Africa, Persia, and Arabia. Caravans from the ports of Cutch and Gujarat brought ivory, rhinoceros' hides, copper, dates, gum arabic, borax, coco-nuts, broadcloths, sandal-wood, drugs, dyes, spices, coffee, &c., and took away chintzes, dried fruits, sugar, opium, silks, muslins, shawls, dyed blankets, arms, and salt, The guardians of the merchandise were almost invariably Charans, and the most desperate outlaw seldom dared commit any outrage on caravans under the safeguard of these men, the bards of the Rajputs. If not strong enough to defend their convoy with sword and shield, they would threaten to kill themselves, and would proceed by degrees from a mere gash in the flesh to a death-wound 3 or if one victim was insufficient, a number of women and chilaren would be sacrificed and the marauders declared re- sponsible for their blood. The chief exports of local production were salt, wool, gfa, animals, opium, and dyed cloths, while the imports included wheat, rice, sugar, fruits, silks, iron, tobacco, &c The through trade was considerable, but was hampered by the system of levying transit and other dues, known as rahdari, mapa, dalali, chiingt, &c. At the present time, except in four or five of the less important States, transit duties have eithei been abolished altogether, or are levied only on opium, spirits, or intoxicating drugs } but import and export duties are still in force in most of the States.

The chief expoits now are salt, wool and woollen fabrics, raw cotton, oilseeds, opium, ghl, marble and sandstone, hides, printed cloths, camels, cattle, sheep and goats ; and the mam imports include food- grams, English and Indian cotton goods, sugar, tobacco, metals, timber, and keiosene oil The bulk of the trade is carried by rail, but no complete statistics are available,

The principal trade centres are the capitals of the various States, and also the towns of Baran, Bhilwara, Churu, Dig, Jhunjhunu, Merta, Nagaur, Pali, Sambhar, and Sikar. The head-quaiters of banking and exchange operations may be said to be Jaipur, the largest and richest city of Rajputana, though the principal firms of Maiwa and of the northern cities of British India have agencies in most of the towns, The employment of capital is, however, becoming less productive since the peculiar sources of profit formerly open have been disappearing. At the beginning of the nineteenth century large commercial specula- tions had more the character of military enterprises than of industrial ventures, when the great banking firms remitted goods or specie under armed bands in their own pay, and when loans were made at heavy interest for the payment of armies or the maintenance of a government. Now, railways and telegraphs are gradually levelling profits on exchange and transport of goods, while the greater pros- perity and stability of the States, under the wing of the Empire, render them more and more independent of the financing bankers.

Communication

The total length of railways in Rajputana, including the British District of Ajmer-Merwara, has increased from 652 miles in 1881, 943 in 1891, and 1,359 in 1901, to 1,576 miles in 1906. Of the miles now open, 739 are the property of the British Government, and the rest are owned by various Native States , and, with the exception of 48 miles, the entire length is on the metre- gauge system.

The oldest and most important line, the Rajputana-Malwa, belongs to Government, and has a total length in Rajputana of about 720 miles. Starting from Ahmadabad, it enters the country near Abu Road in the south-west, and runs north-east to Bandikui, whence one branch goes to Agra and another to Delhi, It also has branches from Ajmer south to Nimach and from Phalera north-east to Rewan. With the exception of the chord last mentioned, which is a recent extension, the line was constructed between 1874 and 1881; it has been worked on behalf of Government by the Bombay, Baroda, and Central India Railway Company since 1885, and the lease has just been renewed

The only other Government line in the Province is the Indian Mid- land section of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway, which runs for about ig miles through the Dholpur State between Agra and Gwalior; it is on the broad gauge, and was opened for traffic in 1878.

Of lines owned by Native States, by far the most important is the Jodhpur-Bikaner Railway, the property of these two Darbars, and worked by a special staff employed by them. Its length in Rajputana is 700 miles, 455 belonging to Jodhpur and 245 to Bikaner ; and 124 additional miles, situated in British territory, are under the same management. The line starts from Marwar junction on the Rajputana- Malwa system, and runs north-west for 44 miles till it reaches the Luni river, whence there are two branches, one almost due west to Hyder- abad (Sind), where it meets the North- Western Railway, and the other generally north-by-north-east past Jodhpur, Merta Road, and Bikaner to Bhatinda in the Punjab. From Merta Road another branch runs east, joining the Rajputana-Malwa line at Kuchawan Road, not far from the Sambhar Lake. The Jodhpur-Bikaner Railway has been constructed gradually between 1881 and 1902, and the total capital outlay of the two States to the end of 1904 was about 173 lakhs in the year last mentioned the net receipts exceeded 13^ lakhs, thus yielding a return of nearly 8 per cent, on the capital outlay.

The remaining lines are the Udaipur-Chitor, a portion of the Bina- Guna-Baran, and the Jaipur-Sawai Madhopur Railways. Of these, the first connects the towns after which it is named, is 67 miles in length, and is the property of the Udaipur Darbar, by which it was constructed between 1895 and 1899, and by which it has been worked since 1898. The capital expenditure up to the end of 1904 was nearly 21 lakhs, and the net profits average about 5 per cent.

In the south-east corner of the Province, the Kotah Darbar owns the last 29 miles of the Blna-Guna-Baran (broad gauge) line, which was opened for traffic in 1899, and has since been worked by the Great Indian Peninsula Railway. The section within Kotah territory has cost more than 17 lakhs, but the net profits average only about i-| per cent. The line also runs for 22 miles through the Chhabra district of Tonk, but this portion is now owned by the Gwalior State.

A metre-gauge line is now being constructed by the Jaipur Darbar between its capital and Sawai Madhopur, a distance of 73 miles. The first 40 miles as far as Nawai have recently been opened for traffic.

Another line which is under construction and should greatly benefit the south-eastern States is that between Nagda in Gwahor and Muttra.

It would be difficult to overestimate the benefits which the railway has conferred on the inhabitants, particularly during periods of famine. Without it, thousands of persons and cattle would have died in 1899- 1900. It has had the effect of levelling and steadying prices, and preventing local distress from disorganizing rural economy, and has brought about the general advancement of material prosperity by stimulating the cultivation of marketable produce. As for the influ- ence which railways have exercised on the habits of the people, it may be said that they have a tendency to relax slightly the observance of caste restrictions, and to introduce a good deal of Hindustani and a sprinkling of English words into everyday use,

The total length of metalled roads is about 1,190 miles, and of unmetalled roads 2,360 miles ; of these, 250 miles are maintained by the British Government, and the rest by the various States and chiefships. The use of roads for through communication has declined since the introduction of the railway. The first great road constructed m the country was that between Agra and Deesa, running for about 360 miles through the States of Bharatpur, Jaipur, Kishangarh, Jodhpur, and Sirohi. It was constructed between 1865 and 1875, partly at the cost of the States concerned, and partly from Imperial funds, and, except for the last 28 miles, was metalled throughout ; but it has now been superseded by the railway, and is kept up merely as a fair-weather communication. Another important road built about the same time was that connecting Nasirabad and Nimach ; but the Rajputana-Malwa Railway now runs close to and parallel with it, and it is rarely used. The chief metalled roads at present maintained by Government are those between Nasirabad and Deoli, passing through parts of Jaipur and Kishangarh, and between Mount Abu and Abu Road in Sirohi. The States with the greatest lengths of metalled roads are Jaipur (292 miles), Bharatpur (165 miles), Kotah (143 miles), and Udaipur (142 miles).

The country carts vary greatly in size, but all are of old-fashioned type. In some cases the bottom of the cart is level, while in others it is curved, the back part being nearer to the ground in order to facilitate unloading. The wheels are seldom tired. In some of the towns ekkas and tongas are used for the conveyance of passengers, and the upper classes occasionally keep bullock-carriages called raths or baihs. In the desert tracts the people travel on camels.

With the exception of Dholpur, which is included for postal purposes in the Postmaster-Generalship of the United Provinces, and certain States which have postal arrangements of their own, the Province forms a circle in the charge of a Deputy-Postmaster-General. The following statistics show the advance in business in Rajputana since 1880-1. The statement includes figures for Dholpur except when it is otherwise stated, but not those of Darbar post offices in States which have their own postal arrangements

These figures exclude statistics for Dholpur which are included in the figures for the United Provinces. t Includes unregistered newspapers

Registered as newspapers in the Post Office

The States which, besides possessing British post offices, have a local postal system of their own are Biindi, Dholpur, Dungarpur, Jaipur, Kishangarh, Shahpura, and Udaipur. The primary object of this local service is the transmission of official correspondence ; but the public are usually permitted to send letters either on payment of a small fee, or, in Bundi, Jaipur, and Kishangarh, by affixing the necessary local postage-stamp.

Famine

Rajputana has been subject to famine from the earliest times of which we have any tradition. Colonel Tod called it the grand natural disease of the western regions, and a Mar wan proverb tells us to expect one lean year in three, one famine year in eight.

The cause of scarcity or famine is the failure of the south-western monsoon ; adverse weather conditions, such as hail and frost, or visita- tions of locusts, have frequently done much damage, but they seldom cause more than a partial failure of crops, and this failure is usually confined to certain districts.

Famines may be classified thus according to their intensity : ankdl (grain famine) ; jalkal (scarcity of water) ; trinkdl (fodder famine) ; and trikal (scarcity of grain, water, and fodder). The tracts most liable to famine are the desert regions of Blkaner, Jaisalmer, and Jodhpur, situated outside the regular course of both the south-western and north- eastern monsoons. Here there are no forests and no perennial rivers ; the depth of water from the surface exceeds the practical limit of well- irrigation ; and the rainfall is scanty, irregular, and at times so fitful that the village folk say that one horn of the cow lies within, and the other without, the rainy zone. The best-protected States are found along the eastern frontier from Alwar in the north to Jhalawar in the south ; the rainfall here is good and fairly regular, and facilities for artificial irrigation are abundant.

From the point of view of famine the kharlf is the more important harvest, as the people depend on it for their food supply and fodder. The money value of the rabi or spring harvest is, however, generally greater than that of the kharlf \ and hence it is often said that the people look to the autumn crop for their food supply, and to the spring crop to pay their revenue and the village money-lender, on whom they usually depend for everything. A late, or even a deficient, rainfall would not necessarily entail distress, though the yield of the kharlf would probably be below the average ; it might be followed by an abundant rabi. On the other hand, absolute failure of rain between June and November would not only mean no autumn crops, but cer- tain loss to the spring harvest as well.

When the rains fail, the regular danger signals of distress are a rise in prices, and a contraction of charity and credit, indicated respectively by the influx of paupers into towns and an enhancement of the rate of interest. Other symptoms are a feverish activity in the gram trade, an increase in petty crime, and an unusual stream of emigration of the people accompanied by their flocks and herds in search of pasturage.

Of the famines which occurred prior to 1812 there is hardly any record save tradition. Colonel Tod mentions one in the eleventh century as having lasted for twelve years; and the Mewar chronicles contain an eloquent account of the visitation of 1661-2, when the con- struction of the dam of the Raj Samand lake at KANKROLI, the oldest known famine relief work in the country, was commenced. We are told that July, August, and September passed without a drop of rain ; ' the world was in despair, and people went mad with hunger. Things unknown as food were eaten. The husband abandoned the wife, the wife the husband parents sold their chilaren time increased the evil, it spread far and wide : even the insects died, they had nothing to feed on. Those who procured food to-day ate twice what nature required. . . . The ministers of religion forgot their duties ; there was no longer distinction of caste, and the Sudra and Brahman were undistmguish- able. ... All was lost in hunger ; fruits, flowers, every vegetable thing, even trees were stripped of their bark, to appease the cravings of hunger: nay, man ate man!' The years 1746, 1755, X 783~5j and 1803-4 are all mentioned as periods of scarcity, but no details are avail- able In 1804, however, Kotah escaped, and the regent Zalim Singh was able to fill the State coffers by selling grain to the rest of the country at about 8 seers per rupee.

The famine of 1812-3 is described as rivalling that of 1661 in the havoc it caused ; the crops failed completely and the price of grain is said to have risen to 3 seers per rupee. The mortality among human beings was appalling, and in certain States three-fourths of the cattle perished.

For the next fifty-five years there was no general famine in Rajputana; but there were periods of recurring scarcity in parts, notably in the south and west in 1833-4 and 1848-9, in the north and east in 1837-8, and in the east, particularly in Alwar, in 1860-1.

The main stress of the calamity of 1868-9 was felt * n ^ ne northern, central, and western tracts, excluding Jaisalmer, which is said to have occupied the extreme western limit of the famine area ; but every State was more or less affected. The rams of 1868 came late, fell lightly, and practically stopped in August; the result was a triple famine (trikat). The people emigrated m enormous numbers with their flocks and herds, but as most of the surrounding Provinces were themselves in distress, the emigrants became aimless wanderers and died in thousands. Sub- sequently, cholera broke out and found an easy prey in the half-starved lower classes. The area cultivated for the rail was only half of the normal, and the heavy prolonged winter rains prevented more than half of the crops sown from reaching maturity Large numbers of people returned to their villages in May, 1869, in the belief that the rains would be early, but the monsoon did not break till the middle of July, and in the interval thousands died. Owing to want of cattle, the land was sown with extreme difficulty, and the ploughing was done to a con- siderable extent by men and women. The autumn harvest, however, promised well, and the crops were developing satisfactorily, when locusts appeared in unprecedented numbers and, where the country was sandy, ate up everything. To crown all, the heavy rains of September and October were followed by a virulent outbreak of fever and, m the end, the autumn crop was but one-eighth of the normal. There are no materials for estimating either the total cost of this famine or the num- bers who were relieved. The Maharana of Udaipur is said to have spent about five lakhs in direct relief; the expenditure in Jaipur appears to have been nearly as great, and others mentioned as conspicuous for their charities or liberal policy were the chiefs of Jhalawar, Kishangarh, and Sirohi, Some idea of the scarcity of forage may be gathered from the fact that in Marwar wheat was at one time being sold at 6, and grass at 5-5 seers per rupee, while in Haraoti the prices of grain and grass were the same, weight for weight. This dearth of fodder, coupled with the scarcity of water, caused heavy mortality among the live-stock, and it was estimated that 75 per cent, of the cattle died or were sold out of the country. Grain was imported by camels from Smd and Gujarat, and by carts along the Agra-Ajmer road. The latter com- munication had just been completed, but there was no railway line nearer than Agra on the east and Ahmadabad to the south. As the Governor-General's Agent wrote at the time, had not the East Indian and Bombay, Baroda, and Central India Railways been in working order, grain would not have been procurable for money, and central Rajputana would have been abandoned to the vultures and the wolves. Even as it was, the mortality was terrible ; it was estimated that both Bikaner and Jodhpur lost one-third of their population, and generally throughout the country the people died by thousands and lay unburied by the waysides.

In 1877 the rains were very late, and there was considerable distress in Alwar, Bharatpur, and Dholpur. The autumn crop failed almost completely ; there was great scarcity of fodder, and more than 200,000 persons emigrated. Alwar is said to have lost by deaths and emigration one-tenth of its population, and Dholpur 25,000 persons. Relief measures were started late and were on the whole inadequate. Advances were given to the extent of about a lakh, but the expenditure on relief works is only available for Alwar, namely Rs. 31,000. In this year also there was a severe grass famine in Jaipur and Jodhpur, which caused heavy mortality among the cattle.

The year 1891-2 was one of severe scarcity in Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, and Kishangarh, and is noticeable as having been the first occasion on which the provisions of the Famine Code for Native States were earned out in practice. The maximum number on relief works* on any one day was never very large (about 15,000), owing to emigra- tion, the self-reliance of the people, the comparatively liberal exercise of private charity, and the peculiar relations obtaining between the cultivators and the village bankers. Fodder was at famine prices and often not available, but, owing to imports by railway, food-grains were plentiful, selling at less than 20 per cent, above normal rates. The four States above mentioned spent between them about 3 lakhs on relief works, and Rs. 44,000 on gratuitous relief. Advances- to cultiva- tors amounted to about Rs. 34,000, revenue was suspended to the extent of more than 2 lakhs, and remitted in the case of 5| lakhs more.

VOL. XXI. K A weak monsoon in 1895 caused some distress in the north and west and a great dearth of fodder in Alwar. In the following year the rainfall was either deficient or unevenly distributed, and there was famine in Blkaner and Dholpur, and scarcity in Bharatpur, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, and Tonk. The total direct expenditure on relief in these six States exceeded 9 lakhs, and there were large remissions and sus- pensions of land revenue.

An indifferent season in 1898 was followed by the great famine of 1899. The monsoon failed everywhere; the rams crops were entirely lost over all but a very limited area in the east and south-east, and there was no grass except along the base of the Aravallis and in the hilly tracts in the south. The early withdrawal of the monsoon currents had an equally disastrous effect on the rabi sowings; the area com- manded by artificial irrigation had shrunk to a fraction of the normal, as the tanks were dry and the wells had largely failed. The situation was intensified by the natural check put upon emigration by a failure of crops and fodder in most of the neighbouring territories, which tradition had taught the hardy desert cultivators to look upon as an unfailing refuge in times of trouble. Thousands emigrated at the first sign of drought, but many returned hopeless and helpless as early as October, and their reports went far to deter others from joining in the great trek. Relief measures were started on a scale never before attempted in Rajputana, and were continued till October, 1900. The high- water mark was reached in June, 1900, when there were more than 53,000 persons in receipt of relief of one kind or another. Altogether about 146 million units 1 were relieved at a cost of nearly 104 lakhs; in addition, a sum of 24 lakhs was received from the Indian Famine Charitable Relief Fund, and the greater part of it was spent in pro- viding additional comforts, maintaining orphans, establishing depots for the relief of returning emigrants, and generally in giving the people a fresh start in life. Loans and advances amounted to more than 24 lakhs, revenue was remitted to the extent of 28 lakhs, and sus- pended in the case of 48 lakhs. There was also much private charity by missionaries and other benevolent persons or bodies, the amount of which it is impossible to estimate even approximately. The Govern- ment of India assisted the Darbars with loans of nearly 63^ lakhs, and placed at their disposal the services of engineers with experience in irrigation works, and officers of the Indian Army to assist in supervising the administration of relief. An epidemic of cholera between April and June, 1900, caused terrible loss of life, and the Bhlls of the southern States are known to have died in large numbers from this disease and from starvation. The difficulty of saving these aboriginal people in spite of themselves was enormous. While ready to accept 1 A unit means one per&on relieved for one day. any gratuitous relief offered in money or food, they had an almost in- vincible repugnance to earning a day's wage on the famine works. The last four months of 1900 were marked by an exceedingly virulent out- break of fever, which is said to have caused more deaths than want of food in the period during which famine conditions prevailed. To this famine of 1899-1900, and to the epidemics of cholera and malarial fever which respectively accompanied and followed it, must be ascribed almost entirely the large decrease in population since the Census of 1891. This famine is also remarkable for having brought to notice the great advance made by the chiefs of Rajputana generally in recognizing their responsibilities to their people and in adopting measures to give that feeling practical expression.

The crops harvested in the autumn of 1900 and the succeeding spring were good ; but this brief spell of prosperity came to an end with the monsoon of 1901, which was weak and ceased early. Fodder and pasturage were sufficient, and there was no cause for anxiety on the score of water-supply except in the south ; but both the %/iartfof 1901 and the rabi of 1902, besides being poor owing to want of ram, were much damaged by rats and locusts. The period of distress extended from November, 1901, to October, 1902 ; and the revival of the monsoon at the end of August, 1902, after an unusually prolonged break, narrowly saved the whole country from disaster. Famine conditions prevailed in Banswara, Dungarpur, Kishangarh, and the Hilly Tracts of Mewar, and scarcity in parts of Jaipur, Partabgarh, Tonk, Udaipur, and the three western States. Altogether about nine million units were relieved on works or in poorhouses, at a cost of about 8J lakhs, remissions and suspensions of land revenue were granted to the extent of 14% lakhs, and Rs. 88,000 was advanced to agriculturists.

The succeeding seasons were favourable ; but the deficient rainfall of 1905 caused considerable distress in parts, particularly in the east, and relief measures were again found necessary in ten States,

The chief steps taken to secure protection from the extreme effects of famine and drought have been the opening up of the country by means of railways and roads, the construction of numerous irrigation works, and the grant of advances for the sinking of new wells or the deepening of old ones. All these measures have of late been receiving the increased attention of the Darbars. But in the vast desert tracts in the west and north, where water is always scarce, where artificial irrigation is out of the question, and where the crops depend solely on the rain- fall, the greatest safeguard against famine consists in the migratory habits of the people. The traditional custom of the inhabitants is to emigrate with their flocks and herds on the first sign of scarcity, before the grass withers and the scanty sources of water-supply dry up. ^Moreover, the people are by nature and necessity self-reliant and indifferent, if not opposed, to assistance from the State coffers, and many of them consider it so derogatory to be seen earning wages on relief \\orks in their own country that they prefer migration. As an instance, it may be mentioned that in Jaisdlmer in 1891-2 relief works started by the Darbar had to be finished by contract, as the people prefened to find employment m Sind. It would seem then that in these tracts, where there is but one crop a year, emigration must con- tinue to be the accustomed remedy.

Administration

The Government of India is represented in Rajputana by a Political officer styled the Agent to the Governor-General, who is also the Chief Commissioner of the small British Province of Aimer- Merwara. He has three or more Assibtants, two of whom are always officers of the Political department, and a native Attache. Other members of his staff are the Residency Surgeon and Chief Medical Officer, and the Superintending Engineer and Secretary in the Public Works department. Subordinate to the Governor- General's Agent are three Residents and five Political Agents, who are accredited to the various States forming the Rajputana Agency ; and in the south-west of Udaipur State the commandant and second in command of the Mewar Bhil Corps are, subject to the general control of the Resident, respectively Political Superintendent and Assistant Political Superintendent of the Hilly Tracts of Mewar.

The following is a list of the officers who have held the substantive appointment of Agent to the Governor-General : Colonel A. Lockett (1832); Major N. Alves (1834); Colonel J. Sutherland (1841); Colonel J. Low (1848),, Colonel G. Lawrence (1852 and 1857); Colonel Sir H. Lawrence (1853)5 Colonel E. K. Elliot (1864), Colonel W. F. Eden (1865) ; Colonel R. H. Keatmge (1867) ; Colonel Sir L, Pelly (1874); Sir A. C. Lyall (1874); Colonel Sir E. Bradford (1878); Colonel C. K. M. Walter (1887); Colonel G, H. Trevor (1890); Sir R. J. Crosthwaite (1895); Sir A. Martmdale (1898); and Mr. E. G. Colvin (1905).

The actual administrative organization of the different States varies considerably ; but, speaking generally, the central authority is in the hands of the chief himself and, when he has a turn for government, his superintendence is felt everywhere. He is usually assisted by a Council or a body of ministerial officers called the Mahakma khas, or by a Dlwan or Kamdar. The officials in the districts are variously termed hakims^ tahsildars^ ndzlms, and ziladars, and, as a rule, they perform both revenue and judicial duties.

As has already been stated, the Rajputana Agency is made up of eighteen States and two chiefships 1 , which constitute eight Political

1 There is a distinction between a State and a chiefship In Rajputana the ruler of a State bears the title oi Hib Highness, while the ruler of a chiefship does not Agairf>Charges three "Residencies and five Agencies undei the superinten- dence of the Governor-General's Agent. The MKWAR RESIDENCY comprises the States of Udaipur, Banswara, Dungarpur, and Partab- garh; the WESTERN RAJPUTANA STATES RESIDENCY comprises Jodh- pur, Jaisalmer, and Sirohi ; and the JAIPUR RESIDENCY comprises the States of Jaipur and Kishangarh and the chiefship of Lawa. The five Agencies are the [ARAOTI AND TONK AGENCY (Bundi, Tonk, and the Shahpura chiefship), the EASTERN RAJPUTANA STATES AGENCY (Bharatpur, Dholpur, and Karauli), the KOTAH-JHALAWAR AGENCY, the Bikaner Agency, and the Alwar Agency. The average area of a Political Charge is about 16,000 square miles, and the average population nearly a million and a quarter.

The various districts and subdivisions of the States are usually called hukumats, tahslts, nizamats, zilas, or parganas, and altogether number about 220.

In former times there was, properly speaking, neither any written law emanating from the head of the State, nor any system of permanent and regularly constituted courts of justice. Offices combining important judicial and revenue functions Legislation and were openly leased out at a fixed annual rental, the lessee reimbursing himself by fines and often by legal exactions. When the public outcry against his acts became general, he would be imprisoned till he disgorged a part of the money squeezed from the unhappy people ; but, having paid, he was frequently re-employed. In criminal cases the tendency of sentences was towards excessive leniency rather than severity ; or, as Colonel Tod has put it, ' justice was tempered with mercy, if not benumbed by apathy. 3 Crimes of a grave nature were apt to be condoned by nominal imprisonment and heavy fine, while offences against religion or caste were dealt with rigorously. Capital punishments were rarely inflicted; and, in cases of murder, the common sentence would be fine, corporal punishment, imprisonment, confiscation of property, or banishment. The indige- nous judiciary of the country, for the settlement of all civil and a good many criminal cases, was the fanchayat, or jury of arbitration. Each town and village had its assessors of justice, elected by their fellow citizens and serving as long as they conducted themselves impartially in disentangling the intricacies of the complaints preferred to them. A person tried by panchayat might appeal to the chief of the State, who could reverse the decision, but rarely did so. Another form of trial was by ordeal, especially when the court of arbitration had failed to arrive at a decision. The accused would be required to put his

the Government of India has entered into formal treaties with the States, while its relations with the chiefships are regulated by some less formal document, such as a sanad arm into boiling water or oil, or have a red-hot iron placed on his hand, a leaf of the sacred fig-tree being first bound on it. If he was scalded by the liquid or burnt by the iron, he was guilty ; but if he was unhurt, the miracle would be received in testimony of his innocence, and he was not only released but generally received presents. Such trials were not infrequent, and culprits, aided by art or the collusion of those who had the conduct of the ordeal, sometimes escaped.

Such was the state of affairs in olden days, and even as recently as 1867 law and system hardly existed in any State. The judges were without training and experience ; their retention of office depended on the capricious will and pleasure of the chief; they were swayed and influenced by the favourites of the hour, and their decisions were liable to be upset without cause or reason. Less than thirty years ago the criminal courts of more than one State were described as mere engines of oppression, showing a determination to make a profit out of crime rather than an honest desire to inflict a deterrent punishment.

Since then, however, great progress has been made. Some of the States have their own Codes and Acts, based largely on those of British India, while in the others British procedure and laws are generally followed. Every State has a number of regular civil and criminal courts, ranging from those of the district officers to the final appellate authority. Except in the chiefships of Shahpura and Lawa, where cases of heinous crime are disposed of in accordance with the advice of the Political officer, and in States temporarily under management, where certain sentences require the confirmation of either the local Political authority or the Governor-General's Agent, the chief alone has the power of life or death.

Two kinds of courts, more or less peculiar to Rajputana, deserve mention ; they are the Courts of Vakils and the Border Courts.

The former are five in number : namely, four lower courts at Deoli, Jaipur, Jodhpnr, and Udaipur; and an upper court at Abu. They were established about 1844, with the special object of securing justice to travellers and others who had suffered injury in territories beyond the jurisdiction of their own chiefs, and they take cognizance only of offences against person and property which cannot be dealt with by any single State.

The lower courts are under the guidance respectively of the Political Agent, Haraoti and Tonk, and the Residents at Jaipur, Jodhpur, and Udaipur, and are composed of the Vakils in attendance on these officers. They are simply courts of equity, awarding both punishment to offenders and rearess to the injured ; and, though far from perfect, they are well adapted to the requirements of the country. Their judgements are based on the principle that the State in which an offence is committed is primarily responsible, and ultimately the State into which the offenders are followed in hot pursuit or in which they are proved to reside or to which the stolen property is traced. The number of cases decided yearly during the decade ending 1901 averaged no, and 109 were disposed of in 1904-5. The upper court is composed of the Vakils attendant on the Agent to the Governor- General, and is usually presided over by one of his Assistants, Its duties are almost entirely appellate ; but sentences of the lower courts exceeding five years' imprisonment, or awards for compensation ex- ceeding Rs. 5,000, require its confirmation. The yearly number of appeals disposed of varies from 20 to 30.

The Border Courts are somewhat similar to, but rougher than, those just described, and are intended for a very rude state of society where tribal quarrels, affrays in the jungle, the lifting of women and cattle, and all the blood-feuds and reprisals thus generated have to be adjusted. They are held on the borders between the southern States of Rajputana and the adjoining States of Gujarat and Central India, and usually consist of the British officers in political charge of the States concerned. No appeal lies against decisions in which both officers concur ; but when they differ, the cases are referred to the Agent to the Governor-General for Rajputana, whose orders are final. The courts were established with the special object of providing a tribunal by which speedy justice might be dispensed to the Bhils and Girasias of this wild tract ; after hearing the evidence, they either dismiss the case or award compensation to the complainant, and there is little or no attempt at direct punishment of offenders.

Among courts established by the Governor-General-in-Council with the consent of the Darbars concerned may be mentioned that of the magistrate of ABU, described in the article on that place; those at the salt sources of Sambhar, Didwana, and Pachbhadra; and those connected with the railway. The salt source courts at Sambhar and Didwana are for certain purposes included in Ajmer District, and the presiding officers are Assistant Commissioners of the Northern India Salt Revenue department, having first-class magisterial powers in the case of Sambhar and second-class powers in that of Didwana The Assistant Commissioner at Pachbhadra is a second-class magistrate, subordinate to the Resident at Jodhpur, who is both District Magis- trate and Sessions Judge, while the Governor-GeneraPs Agent is the High Court.

For lands occupied by the Indian Midland Railway there is a special magistrate with first-class powers and a Judge of Small Causes, while for such portions as he within Dholpur or Kotah limits the Political officers accredited to these States are District Magistrates, Courts of Session, and District Judges, and the Governor-General's Agent is the High Court. Similarly, the Rajputana-Malwa Railway has its first and second-class magistrates and courts of Small Causes ; the Residents at Jodhpur and Jaipur and the Political Agents at Alwar and Bharatpur are District Magistrates and Judges for such portions of the railway as lie within the States to which they are accredited ; the Commissioner of Ajmer-Merwara is Sessions Judge for the whole of the railway in Rajputana, and the Governor-General's Agent is the High Court.

Lastly, the three Residents, the five Political Agents, and the First Assistant to the Agent to the Governor-General are all Justices of the Peace for Rajputana.

Finance

The main sources of revenue in former times were the land tax and the transit and customs duties, but the amount realized cannot be ascertained. The lead, zinc, and copper mines of mance. Udaipur are said to have yielded three lakhs yearly, and the salt sources in Jodhpur brought in an annual revenue of from seven to eight lakhs. Besides these items, numerous petty and vexa- tious imposts were levied in connexion with almost every conceivable subject. Among these may be mentioned faxes on the occasion of births and marriages, on cattle, houses, and ploughs, on the sale of spirits, opium, and tobacco, or for the provision of buffaloes to be sacrificed at the Dasahra festival. A long list is given by both Colonel Tod and Sir John Malcolm.

The revenue of the States of Rajputana was estimated in 1867 at about 235 lakhs, of which nearly two-thirds was derived from the land. At the present time it amounts, in an ordinary year, to about 321 lakhs. The income of those holding on privileged tenures, such as the jagir- dars and mudfiddrs, is not ascertainable, but is known to be large. The chief sources of revenue are : land revenue, including tribute from iagirddrs, 185 lakhs; customs duties, 47 lakhs; salt, including pay- ments by Government under the various treaties and agreements, 30 lakhs; and railways, 24 lakhs. The remainder is derived from court fees, fines, stamps, cotton-presses, excise, forests, mines and quarries, &c. The total expenditure in an ordinary year is about 274 lakhs, the main items being, approximately, in lakhs : army and police, 64 , civil and judicial staff, 40 ; public works, 32 ; privy purse, palace, and household, 30 ; tribute to Government, including contribu- tion to certain local corps, i$^ , and railways, n-| The expenditure m connexion with stables, elephants, camels, and cattle is considerable, but details are not available. Among minor items may be mentioned the medical department, about 4^ lakhs ; and education, nearly 3^ lakhs.

Almost every State in Rajputana has at one time or another coined money ; but except in the case of Mewar, the ruler of which is said to have coined as far back as the eighth century, all the mints date from the decline of the Muhammadan power.

The Native Coinage Act, IX of 1876, empowered the Governor- Genei al-in-Council to declare coins of Native States of the same fine- ness and weight as British coins to be, subject to certain conditions, a legal tender in British India, and authorized Native States to send their metal to the mints of the Government of India for coinage. The only States throughout India which availed themselves of the oppor- tunity afforded by this Act were Alwar in 1877 and Bikaner in 1893. They called in their silver coins, and dispatched them to Government mints, whence they were reissued as rupees which bore on the reverse the name of the State and the name and title of the chief, and which were legal tender in British India, Shortly afterwards (in 1893), the Government mints were closed to the unrestricted coinage of silver, and the exchange value of all the other Native States' rupees depre- ciated. It was decided that the provisions of the Native Coinage Act were not applicable to the new condition of affairs , but the Govern- ment of India agreed to purchase the existing rupees of Native States at their average market value, and to supply British rupees in their place, and eight States have taken advantage of this offer, which involves cessation of the privilege of minting. There are now only seven States (Bundi, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Kishangarh, Tonk, and Udaipur) and one chiefship (Shahpura) which have their own coinage, and the majority of these propose converting it into British currency as soon as their finances or the rate of exchange permit.

Land revenue

The land may be divided into two mam groups : namely, that under the direct management of the Darbar, called khalsa; and that held by grantees, whether individuals or religious institutions, and known as jdgir, indm, bhiim, muaft, sdsan, dhar- Lan

mada, c. The proportion of territory under the direct fiscal and administrative control of the chief varies widely in different States. In Jodhpur it is about one-seventh of the total area, in Udaipur one-fourth, and in Jaipur two-fifths , whereas in Kotah it forms three-fourths, and in Alwar and Bharatpur seven-eighths. Where the clan organization is strongest and most coherent, the chiefs personal dominion is smallest, while it is largest where he is, or has lately been, an active and acquisitive ruler

In the khalsa territory the Darbar is the universal landlord ; the superior and final right of ownership is vested in it, but many of the cultivators also hold a subordinate proprietary right as long as they pay the State demand. Except in Alwar and Dholpur and parts of Bikaner and Jhalawar, where the system is zamlnddritx something akin to it, the Darbar deals directly with the cultivator, though in parts the headman of a village sometimes contracts for a fixed payment for a short term of years. The cultivating tenures of the peasantry at large are not easy to define accurately, though their general nature is much the same throughout Rajputana but they may be broadly divided into pakkd and kachcha. Those holding on the fdkka tenure may be said to possess occupancy rights, which descend from father to son and may (generally with, but sometimes without, the sanction of the Darbar) be transferred by sale or mortgage. Those holding on the kachchd tenure are little better than tenants-at-will ; the land is simply leased to them for cultivation, and can be resumed at any time, but in practice they are seldom ejected.

Legislation and justice

In former times the word jdgir was applied only to estates held by Rajputs on condition of military service. Thzjagirdarw&s the Thakur or lord who held by grant (fatto] of his chief, and performed service with specified quotas at home and abroad. The grant was for the life of the holder, with inheritance for his offspring in lineal descent, or adoption with the sanction of the chief, and resumable for crime or incapacity; this reversion and power of resumption were marked by the usual ceremonies, on each lapse of the grantee, of sequestration (zabtt\ of relief (nazarana\ and of homage and investiture of the heir. At the present time, lands granted in recognition of service or as a mark of the chiefs personal favour are all classed as jaglr^ though the grantees may be Mahajans, Kayasths, &c. The jagirdars may therefore be classed as Rajput and non-Rajput; and as regards the latter it will suffice to say that they usually pay no tribute or rent, but have to attend on the chief when called on. The duties and obliga- tions of the Rajput nobles and Thakurs and the conditions on which they hold vary considerably, and are mentioned in the separate articles on the different States. Some pay a fixed sum yearly as quit-rent or tribute, and have also to supply a certain number of horsemen or foot- soldiers for the public service. Others either pay tribute or provide armed men, or, in lieu of the latter obligation, make a cash payment At every succession to an estate, the heir is bound to do homage to his chief and to pay a considerable fee, these acts being essential to entry into legal possession of his inheritance. He also pays some customary dues of a feudal nature, such as on the accession of a chief, and is bound to personal attendance at certain periods and occasions. Disobedience to a lawful summons or order, or the commission of a grave political offence, involves sequestration or confiscation, but the latter course is rarely resorted to. fagtr estates cannot be sold, but mortgages are not uncommon, though they cannot be foreclosed; adoptions are allowed with the sanction of the Darbar.

Those holding on the bhum tenure are called bhumias, and are mostly Rajputs ; they usually pay a small quit-rent, but no fee on succession. They perform certain services, such as watch and ward, escort of treasure, c. ; and provided they do not neglect their duties, they hold for ever.

The other tenures mentioned above, namely, mam, muafi, sasan, dharmada, &c., may be grouped together. Lands are granted there- under to Rajputs for maintenance, to officials in lieu of salary, and to Brahmans, Charans, &c. } in charity ; they are usually rent-free, and are sometimes given for a single life only. Grants to temples, however, are given practically in perpetuity, but the lands cannot be sold.

Private rights in land are hardly recognized in Rajputana; and the payments made by the cultivators are, therefore, technically classed as revenue, and rents in the ordinary significance of the term scarcely exist In former times the revenue was taken m kind, and the share paid varied considerably in every State for almost every crop and for particular castes. In some cases the share would be one-eleventh, and in others as much as one-half of the gross produce. Several methods of realization prevailed, but the most common were latai (also called lata) or actual division of the produce, and kankut or division by con- jectural estimate of the crop on the ground. This system, though still in force in some of the States, particularly in the jagtr villages belonging to the Thakurs and others, is losing ground, and cash payments are now more common. The rates vary according to the class of the soil, the distance of the field from the village, the caste of the cultivator, the kind of crop grown, the policy of the State, &c. They range from i-| annas per acre of the worst land to Rs. 15 or Rs. 20 per acre of the best irrigated land. In suburbs where fruit and garden-crops are grown the rate rises to Rs. 35 and Rs, 40, and some of the betel-leaf plantations pay as much as Rs. 70 per acre.

Regular settlements have been made in Alwar (1899-1900), Bharat- pur (1900), Bikaner (1894), Dholpur (1892), Jhalawar (1884), Kotah (1877-86), Tonk (1890-2), and parts of Jodhpur (1894-6) and Udaipur (1885-93) ; and settlements are now in progress in Banswara, Dungar- pur, and Partabgarh.

Poppy is grown in several parts of Rajputana, notably in Udaipur, Kotah, Jhalawar, and the Nimbahera district of Tonk. The area ordinarily under cultivation with poppy is about 100 square miles, but used to be considerably greater. The States, as a rule, levy export, import, and transit duties, as well as licence fees for the sale of the drug. The Govern- ment of India does not interfere with production or consumption in the States, but no opium may pass into British territory for export or consumption without payment of duty. The opium is prepared for export in balls, and is packed in chests (of 140 Ib. each) or in half- chests. The Government duty is at present Rs. 600 per chest for export by sea, and Rs. 700 if intended for local consumption in India outside Rajputana. For the weighment of the opium, the levy of this duty, and the issue of the necessary passes, depots are maintained at Chitor in the Udaipur State, and at Baran in Kotah, the latter having been opened in June, 1904. The number of chests passing yearly through the scales at Chitor averages about 4,400, while at Baran during the nine months ending March, 1905, nearly 1,100 chests were weighed. In addition, some of the Rajputana opium goes to the scales at Indore and Ujjain in Central India.

The salt revenue of the States is considerable, amounting to about 30 lakhs a year, of which nearly five-sixths are payments made by the Government of India under various treaties and agreements. The States of Blkaner and Jaisalmer still make a small quantity of edible salt for local consumption, and at certain petty works in Jodhpur and Kotah the manufacture of khdri 01 earth-salt for industrial purposes is permitted up to 22,000 maunds. Elsewhere, the manufacture of salt by any agency other than that of the British Government is abso- lutely prohibited, and all taxes and duties have been abolished by the Darbars. The amount paid by the Government is made up of rent for the lease of the various salt sources, royalty on sales exceeding a certain amount, and compensation for the suppression of manufacture and the abolition of duties. In addition, over 3 7,000 maunds of salt are delivered yearly to various Darbars free of all charges, 225,000 maunds are made over to Jodhpur free of duty, and 20,000 maunds to Blkaner at half the full rate of duty. The sources now worked by Government are at Sambhar, Didwana, and Pachbhadra, and during the five years ending 1902-3 they yielded 18 per cent, of the total amount of salt produced in India.

The excise revenue is derived from liquor and intoxicating drugs, and is estimated at about 4 lakhs a year. In the case of liquor the system in general force is one of farming, the right of manufacture and sale being put up to auction and sold to the highest bidder for a year or a term of years. In some States the stills are inspected by certain officials, but as a rule there is no Excise department and no supervision. Country liquor is prepared by distillation from the mahua flower, molasses, and other forms of unrefined sugar , very little foreign liquor is consumed. The drugs in use are those derived from the hemp plant, such as gdnja, bhang, and charas ; and the right to sell them is also put up to auction.

The net average stamp revenue varies between 4 and 5 lakhs, of which about three-fourths is said to be derived from judicial, and the remainder from non-judicial stamps.

Local and municipal

Rajputana cannot be said to contain any municipalities in the true sense of the term, that is to say, towns possessed of corporate privileges _ of local government ; but municipal committees have

municipal. been consti ^ted in 39 cities and towns. The elective system does not exist, all the members being nomi- nated by the Darbar concerned or, in the case of the Abu municipality, by the Governor-General's Agent The principal duties of the various committees are connected with conservancy and lighting, the settlement of petty disputes relating to easements, and the prevention of encroach- ments on public thoroughfares; and the sanitary condition of towns under municipal admimstiation has certainly been improved. The total expenditure of these municipalities amounts to about 3 lakhs a year, which is denved chiefly from a town tax or octroi on imports, or a conservancy cess, or from contributions from the State treasury.

Public works

The Rajputana circle of the Imperial Public Works department was formed m 1863 under a Superintending Engineer, who is also Secretary to the Agent to the Governor-Geneial and to the Chief Commissioner, Ajmer-Merwara. Of the two P ublicworks - divisions forming this circle, one has its head-quarters at Ajmer and the other at Mount Abu. The work of the former, as far as the Native States are concerned, is practically confined to the maintenance of the road between Nasirabad and Deoli, which traverses the southern half of Kishangaih and the extreme south-western portion of Jaipur. The Mount Abu division, on the other hand, has constructed and stilt main- tains almost all the metalled, and nearly half of the unmetalled, roads in Sirohi State, and is responsible for the upkeep of the numerous Government buildings at Abu and at the cantonments of Ennpura, Kherwara, Kotra, and Deesa, the last of which lies in the Bombay Piesidency.

Each Native State has a Public Works department of some kind In the smaller and poorer States will be found a single overseer, while in most of the larger or more important ones the head of the depart- ment is a British officer, usually lent by the Government of India, with a regular staff of one or more Assistant Engineers, besides supervisors and overseers as in Bntish India. The expenditure on roads, buildings, and irrigation works in a normal year averages about 32 lakhs, and the amount spent by an individual State varies from Rs 2,000 orRs. 3,000 to 7 lakhs.

The more important works carried out since iSSi have been the railways in Jodhpur, Bikaner, Udaipur, and Jaipur \ numerous irrigation projects, particularly in Jaipur, Jodhpur, Kishangarh, Bharatpur, Alwar, and Kotah , a scheme for the supply of water at Jodhpur, and the extension of the gas- and water-works at Jaipur. Among bridges, those over the Banas near Isarda in Jaipur, over the Western Banas near Abu Road in Sirohi, and the pontoon-bridge across the Chambal at Kotah are deserving of mention. The most noteworthy buildings erected during recent years are . the Albert Hall, the Lansdowne Hospital, and the additions to the Mayo Hospital at Jaipur ; the Resi- dency, the Jubilee offices, the Ratanada palace, and the Imperial Service cavalry lines at Jodhpur , the Victoria Hall and Lansdowne Hospital at Udaipur ; the Ganga Niwas or audience-hall, the new palace (Lal- garh), and the courts and offices at Bikaner , the Victoria Hospital at Bharatpur and the palaces at Sewar in the same State , the public offices at Dholpur , and the new palaces at Alwar and Kotah. Many of these buildings were designed by Colonel Sir Swinton Jacob, who was for many years the successful head of the Public Works department of Jaipur State

Army

The military forces in Rajputana may be grouped under four heads . namely, regiments 01 corps of the Indian army, Imperial Service troops, local service troops maintained by the various Darbars, and volunteers

Rajputana lies within the Mhow division of the Western Command of the Indian army, and contains three cantonments (Erinpura, Kher- wara, and Kotra) and the sanitarium of Abu. The total strength of the Indian army stationed in territory belonging to the States of Raj- putana is about 1,700, of whom about 70 are men from various British regiments and batteries sent up to Abu for change of air. The remainder is supplied by the 43rd (Erinpura) Regiment (see the article on ERIN- PURA) , the Mewar Bhil Corps (see the articles on KHERWAR.A and KOTRA) ; the 42nd (Deoli) Regiment, which furnishes small detachments at the Jaipur Residency and the Kotah Agency and the 44th Merwara Infantry, which sends a small guard to the Salt department treasury at Sambhar.

The Imperial Service troops are the contributions of certain States towards the defence of the Empire. They have been raised since 1888-9, are under the control of the Darbars furnishing them, and are commanded by native officers, subject to the supervision of British inspecting officers who are responsible to the Foreign Department of the Government of India. Alwar supplies a regiment of cavalry and one of infantry, Bharatpur a regiment of infantry and a transport corps, Bikaner a camel corps, Jaipur a transport corps, and Jodhpur two regi- ments of cavalry. The total force numbers over 5,000 fighting men, possesses more than 900 carts and 1,800 ponies or mules, and costs the States about 17 lakhs annually to maintain. The troops are, in times of peace, usefully employed locally and have served with credit in several campaigns: namely, Chitral (1895), Tirah (1897-8), China (1900-1), and Somaliland (1903-4).

The local forces maintained by Darbars number about 42,000 of all armscavalry, 6,000; artillerymen, 2,500; and infantry, 33,500 and cost about 35 lakhs yearly. These troops are locally divided into regu- lars and irregulars ; and while the latter are of no military value what- ever, the regulars contain much capital material, and are not unacquainted with drill and discipline. The force is employed in various ways : it furnishes guards and escorts, performs police duties, garrisons forts, drives game for the chief, &c. In the matter of ordnance, the States possess about 1,400 guns of all shapes and sizes, of which 900 are said to be serviceable. Besides the local force just described, there are the feudal quotas furnished by ydglrddrs 3 their number is considerable, and the men are employed as official messengers, postal escorts, police, c.

The 2nd Battalion of the Bombay, Baroda, and Central India Railway Volunteers has its head-quarters at Ajmer. The number of members residing in the Native States of Rajputana is about 250, and they are found chiefly at Abu Road, Bandikm, Mount Abu 3 and Phalera.

Police and jails

Police duties in the khdlsa area are performed partly by a regular police force and partly by the irregular troops maintained by the Dar- bars, while almost every village has its chauklddr or watchman. In the jagir estates which form such a Police and large part of the country, the duty of protecting traffic, preventing heinous crimes, &c,, devolves on \hQjdgirddrs, but no details of the force they keep up are available. The regular police maintained by Dai bars numbers about 11,000 men and costs 12 lakhs a year. The village watchmen are usually remunerated by allotments of land and also get certain perquisites from the cultivators. Several criminal tribes, such as the Baoris or Moghias, the Minas, the Kanjars, and the Sansias, are under surveillance, and efforts are being made to induce them to settle down to agricultural pursuits, but with no marked success.

The conditions under which prisoners live have been greatly amelio- rated during the last thirty or forty years. Formerly, civil and criminal offenders and lunatics were huddled together indiscriminately, and taken out to beg their bread in the streets ; and it was only in 1884 that the system of recovering the cost of their food from prisoners was abolished everywhere. In almost all the jails the use of the iron lei chain, which passed through the fetters of a long row of prisoners, was universal, and was abandoned as recently as 1888. In some States the convicts were ' chained up like dogs in the open plain, unprovided with kennels ' ; but the great evil was overcrowding, which was the cause of much sickness and mortality. Since those times, there has been great progress in jail management. Ventilation, diet, clothing, discipline, and general sanitary condition have all been improved ; there is less overcrowding, and some of the Central jails are as well managed and as healthy as any in British territory. The condition of the prisons and lock-ups in the districts is, however, not so satisfactory. Each State and chiefship (except Lawa) has a jail at its capital, and Jaipur has two, the second being known as the District jail. There are thus twenty jails, which are for the most part under the medical charge of the Residency or Agency Surgeon, and are annually inspected by the Chief Medical Officer of Rajputana. These jails contain accommodation for 5,380 inmates (4,807 males and 573 females), and cost the Darbars from 2^ to 2\ lakhs a year to maintain, Complete statistics are available only from 1896, and are given in the table below :

The principal causes of sickness are malarial fever and splenic and respiratory affections. The jail manufactures consist of cotton and woollen cloths, rugs, carpets, blankets, dusters, paper, matting, &c. The carpets and woollen cloths made in the Bikaner jail are famous and find a ready sale.

Besides the jails above mentioned, there are smaller prisons and lock-ups at the head-quarters of almost every district ; but particulars regarding them are not available, except that they are intended for persons sentenced to short terms of imprisonment.

Education

Only thirty or forty years ago, the Darbais took little or no interest in education. The Thakurs and chiefs, as a rule, considered reading and writing as beneath their dignity and as arts which they paid their servants to perform for them ; and there was a general feeling among Rajputs that learning and knowledge should in a great measure be restricted to Brahmans and Mahajans. Schools existed everywhere; but they were all of the in- digenous type, such as Hindu pathsalas and Musalman maktabs^ in which reading, writing, and a little simple arithmetic were taught. Classes were held in the open air on the shady side of the street, or on the steps of the village temple, or m some veranda ; and the entire school equipment often consisted only of a white board, a piece of wood for a pen, and charcoal water for ink. These indigenous institu- tions have held their own, and are still much appreciated, especially by the trading castes, who are generally content with a little knowledge of the vernacular, and the native system of arithmetic and accounts for their sons , if a slight acquaintance with English is sometimes thought desirable, it is because telegrams play an important part in business in these days.

The first public institutions were established at Alwar in 1842, at Jaipur in 1845, and at Bharatpur in 1858; and the other Barbara followed suit between 1863 and 1870. Shortly afterwards, schools were opened in the districts, the teaching of English became common it the capitals of most of the States, and female education received attention. It is unfortunately not possible to show the gradual pro- gress made in Rajputana as a whole by giving statistics for certain

yeais, because complete returns are available for only some of the States ; but there can be no doubt that the progress has been great. The number of schools and scholars has increased largely, the standard of education and the qualifications of the teachers are higher, and the successes achieved at university examinations have been considerable,

Omitting the private indigenous schools, which are known to be numerous but send in no returns, except in Jaipur, the educational institutions at the end of March, 1905, numbered altogether 647, , of which 510 were maintained by the several Darbars, 103 by private individuals, caste communities, &c., and 34 by missionary societies, They 'consist of four colleges, 86 secondary schools, 545 primary schools, including 53 for girls, and 12 special schools. The number on the lolls of these 647 institutions in 1905 was 37,670, and the daily average attendance during 1904-5 was 28,130. The total amount spent by the Darbars on education is about 3-| lakhs yearly, and to this sum must be added the cost of the schools maintained by private individuals, &c. In some of the States a small school-cess is levied ; but, speaking generally, education is free, fees being the exception.

The Arts colleges, two in number, are at Jaipur and Jodhpur, and were attended during 1904-5 by 96 students. The Jaipur institution dates from 1873, an d tn e other was established in 1893. Both aie first-grade colleges affiliated to the Allahabad University, and have between them, up to the present time, passed 4 students for the degree of M.A., 75 for that of B.A,, and 180 in the Intermediate or First Arts examination.

The only colleges for the cultivation of the Oriental classics are at Jaipur. The Sanskrit college imparts instruction in that language up to the highest standard, while the Oriental college prepares students for the Persian- Arabic title examinations of the Punjab University.

The 86 secondary schools are attended by 11,540 boys, and arej divided into high and middle schools. In the former English is taught up to the standard of the entrance and school final examina- tions, while in the latter either English or the vernacular is taught.

The primary schools for boys number 492, and are of two kinds, upper and lower. The daily average attendance during 1904-5 was 17,308. The course of instruction is simple, but in some of the upper schools a little English is taught.

Schools for girls were first established about 1866 in Bharatpur, Jaipur, and Udaipur , they numbered 53 in 1905, and were attended by 2,225 pupils. Female education has made little headway, as social customs hinder its growth. The subjects taught are reading, writing, and arithmetic in Hindi, and needlework.

The special schools include a school of arts at Jaipur, established in 1868 and attended during 1904 by 96 students; a normal school and other institutions in which painting, carpet-weaving, surveying, telegraphy, &c., are taught.

The only institutions for Europeans and Eurasians are the Lawrence school at ABU, which, however, is open only to the chilaren of soldiers- the high school, also at Abu, which is under private management but receives a grant-in-aid from Government 3 and a small primary school at Abu Road, maintained by the Rajputana-Malwa Railway authorities for the benefit of the chilaren of their European and Eurasian em- ployes. Including 80 chilaren at the Lawrence school, these three institutions were attended during 1904-5 by about 190 boys and girls.

Lastly, mention must be made of the Mayo College, which was established for the education of the chiefs and nobles of Rajputana. An account of it will be found in the article on AJMER CITY.

The table below relates to the year 1901, and shows that in Rajpu- tana 62 males and 2 females out of 1,000 of either sex could read and write. The Sirohi State, owing to its comparatively large Euro- pean, Eurasian, and Pars! communities at Abu (the head-quarters of the Local Government and a sanitarium for British troops) and Abu Road, heads the list for both sexes. According to religion, 71 per cent, of the Christians, 67 per cent, of the Parsis, and 24 per cent, of the Jams were literate ; but in the case of the Hindus and Musalmans, who form the great majority of the population, the proportions sink to 2-7 and 2*4 per cent, respectively. Similar figures for 1891 are not available, as this information was not recorded at that Census.

Of the total of 178 hospitals and dispensaries, 168 are maintained by the Darbars or, in a few cases, by the more enlightened Thakurs, 8 by the Government of India, and 2 partly by Government and partly from private subscriptions. Included in these are seven hos- pitals (with 191 beds) exclusively for females. In addition, there are four railway and two mission hospitals, in which nearly 96,000 cases were treated and 1,000 operations were performed in 1904, as well as the Imperial Service regimental hospitals from which no returns are received. The total annual expenditure of the States of Rajputana on medical institutions, including allowances to Residency and Agency Surgeons, is about 4 lakhs.

In ten of the States small lunatic asylums are maintained ; elsewhere dangerous lunatics are usually kept in the jails. The number treated in 1904 was 151. At the Census of 1901, 967 persons (591 males and 376 females) weie returned as insane ; the chief causes of the malady are said to be mental strain and intemperance.

Inoculation by indigenous methods was at one time widely practised, but is now disappearing with the spread of vaccination. The Bhils are said to have inoculated from time immemorial under the name of kanai t the operation being performed with a needle and a grain, of dust dipped into the pock of a small-pox case.

Vaccination appears to have been introduced on a small scale about 1855-6, when 1,740 persons submitted to the operation, and the num- ber increased to 53,000 in 1871. Since then, as will be seen from the table on next page, there has been great progress. Vaccination is, on the whole, not unpopular, and has done much to lessen the virulence and fatality of outbreaks of small-pox. Lymph is kept up throughout the year in most of the important States by arm-to-arm vaccination in selected places during the hot season, and humanized lymph is gener- ally used. Buffalo calf lymph is largely employed in several States.

The system of selling quinine in pice packets at post offices was introduced in 1894. These packets were at first supplied to post- masters by the Residency and Agency Surgeons, but since 1902 have been obtained direct from the Superintendent of the Allgarh jail. In 1904-5 more than 50,525 packets of 7 -grain doses were sold.

Surveys

The operations of the Great Trigonometrical Suivey of India have extended to parts of Rajputana, and the entire countiy was surveyed topographically by the Survey of India between 1855 an ^ 1891, In the majority of the States cadas- tral suiveys have been carried out during the last fifty years, and in a few others they are now in progress. Most of the surveys are con- fined to the khalsa or revenue-paying area, and the agency employed is not infrequently foreign

[Rajputana Agency Administration Reports > annually from 1865-6. Rajputana Gazetteer, vols i-iii (1879-80, under revision) Report on the Famine in the Native States of Rajputana in 1899-1900. Chiefs and Leading Families of Rajputana (1903). Census Reports (1891 and 1901). J. Tod Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, vol. i (1829) and vol. ii (1832). J. Tod , Travels in Western India (1839). ^ J. Malcolm : Memoir of Central India (1832). J. Sutherland : Relations subsisting between the British Government in India and the different Native States (1837). G. B. Malleson Native States of India (1875) C U. Aitchison Treaties, Engagements, and Sanaa's, vol, in (1892, under revision) . W. W. Webb : Currencies of the Hindu States of Rajputana (1893). T. H. Hendley General Medical History of Rajputana (1900). F. Ashton : The. Salt Industry of Rajputana ; see Journal of Indian Art and Industry, vol. ix, January, 1901.]