Velma: Deccan

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Velma

This article is an extract from

THE CASTES AND TRIBES

OF

H. E. H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS

BY

SYED SIRAJ UL HASSAN

Of Merton College, Oxford, Trinity College, Dublin, and

Middle Temple, London.

One of the Judges of H. E. H. the Nizam's High Court

of Judicature : Lately Director of Public Instruction.

BOMBAY

THE TlMES PRESS

1920


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(Titles : Dhora (master), Ayya, Anna, Raolu, Rahida, 'Naidu, Naik.) Velma, Yelma-j-a land-holding and cultivating caste, many of whom are also traders, cotton-dealers, dyers and weavers. They are said to have once borne a very high character as soldiers and filled the armies of the kings of Warangal and Vijayanagar and when those great kingdoms fell, the disbanded soldiers appear to have taken to different occupations. Those who acquired fame and renown and were rewarded with permanent jagir estates settled down as Zamindars, and have been known as Racha Velmas; those who became traders and cotton dealers have been called Eko Velmas; while others who took to weaving and dyeing, have been designated Gune Velmas.

Origin

Little is known regarding the origin of the caste. The word Velma is supposed to be derived from Velli Male which means 'Hillbred' and probably has reference either to their original habitat or to their ancient occupation as sentinels of hill forts. The word is also derived from Velli Mala, the two together meaning 'sprung from Mala (Dher) This derivation, so highly derogatory to the Velmas, is due to a somewhat amazing custom, long in use, by which some Velma families cjmnot celebrate a marriage without first paying the cost of a Mala wedding.

Tradition says that the Velmas were a ruling race of Kshatriyeis who once held sway over the country lying north of the Narbada river. Being vanquished by a mightier people, and expelled from their possessions, seventy-seven of them crossed the river Narbada and came over to Warangal. Their fine physique and com- manding features attracted the attention of the Raja Pratap Rudra of Warangal (1162 A. D.) who at once confejred on them the command of seventy-seven forts in his kingdom.

The Velmas explain the loss of the sacred thread, which it is the proud privilege of the higher castes alone to wear, by resorting to a legend. They say that after the great disaster, while they were crossing the river Narbada, the waters began suddenly to swell; the fugitives, in their great distress, appealed to the river goddess for help, making a vow at the same tim'e thgj should they safely reach the other bank they would offer her tReir sacred threads. The floods subsided in a moment; but by this act th% Velmas lost their social status, as the local Brahmins declined to perform any religious ceremonies at their houses on account of their loss of the sacred thread. The Velmas accordingly appealed to the king, who inter- ceded on their behalf and offered large sums of money to the Brahmins if they would administer to the spiritual needs of the Velmas. The cupidity of some poor Brahmins was aroused at the sight of gold cuid, in spite of the social disgrace that awaited them, as a conse- quence, they undertook to officiate at all the religious ceremonies of the Velmas, but being degraded from the sacred order • of Brah- mins for their unworthy action, they had to form themselves into a separate community under the name of Bhat-raj, or Bhat Murti. Since their degradation they have been content with earning their livelihood by begging alms from Velmas, Kapus and other cultivat- ing classes. The Velmas, the legend further says, freely intermarried into the Kapu castes and thus became the progenitors of the modern Velmas or Yelmas.

Divested of its mythical character, the legend suggests the follow- ing facts : —

(1) That the Velmas are a people not indigenous to the tracts

where they are found at the present day.

(2) That they came from the country north of the Narbada river.

(3) That they came during the reign of the Raja Pratap Rudra.

(4) That they brought with them no women and had to take

wives from the local Kapus. No historical evidence is, however, available, to affiliate the

Velmas to any of the castes of Northern India; nor is any authen- tic record tnown^ to exist of their immigration into the country of the Telangas. On the other hand, their tall muscular frame, fair A>mplexion and fine features readily distinguish them from the surro^inding mass of the dark skinned Dravidians and seem to bear out their claims to a Kshatriya origin. If the theory of their foreign origin is tenable, there can be no great difficulty in accounting for the close resemblance of their customs and usages with those of the Kapu castes ; for the Veimas, coming without women, were com- pelled to take to themselves the Dravidian daughters which led, as a matter of course, to*their adoption of the local customs and manners and to their gradual absorption into the indigenous population.

Internal Structure — Some of the sub-castes into which the Velmas are divided are given below : —

(1) Racha Velma. (4) Eko Velma.

(2) Tarkasati Velma. (5) Gune Velma.

(3) Shikhamani Velma. (6) Naik Velma.

The first* three, Racha, Tarkasati and Shikhamani, are different local namfs of one and the same sub-caste, Racha Velma. The Rachas are a highly respectable class; their females observe the Gosha; widow marriage 'is not allowed no|lr divorce recognised; they are hypergamous to the Eko Velmas, whose girls they take in marriage but to whom they do not give their own maidens in return. Several of the leading Velma Zamindars are the members of this sub-caste. The Eko Velmas deal in cotton, from which they derive their name. The Gune Velmas are weavers and dyers and take their name from the large pots into which they dip the cloth to be dyed. The members of this sub-caste are educated and have consequently greatly risen in social status. The Naik Velmas, on the other hand, are still primitive in their habits and make their living by hunting and snaring small game and birds. Their huts are made of grass and bamboo wattles. But for their names, the members of this sub-caste have nothing in common with the great Velma people.

The Velmas are said to have seventy-seven gotras, or exogamous groups, the number curiously corresponding with that of the first emigrants of the community. A few of these gotras are noticea "below -

(1) Arelli. (5) Anagdalu.

(2) Podanollu. (6) Kunapalli (tiger cub). *

(3) Mudanollu. (7) Miriya.

(4) Paspunollu. (8) Cheshalla.

These sections, which are of the totemistic type, are common . to this caste and to the Kapus. Each of these sectional gipups is sub-divided into famiHes, Vcmshcans, w^ich .have, however, no bearing upon the regulation of marriages. Those of the Velmas^ who migrated to the Marathawada Districts, 'have adopted local customs and usages and have so assimilated themselves with the Marathawada Kunbis that even their exogamous sections are either entirely those of, or fashioned on the model of, the sections of the Maratha Kunbis. The following section names are given as a specimen : —

(1) Handge. (6) Karande.

(2) Gonale. (7) Rachmide.*

(3) Kasale. (8) Patange.

(4) Nalwe. (9) Akargire.

(5) Jamale. (10) Balgire.

(II) Yajne.

The Maratha Velmas have now formed themselves into an independent community and have broken off all connection, either by intermarriage or by interdining, with the parent caste.

Marriage

The form of exogamy practised by the caste is the

simple rule that a man may not marry a woman of his own sept.

Outside this, the prohibited relationship is reckoned by the law common among the other Telugu castes. The girls are married both as infants gamy is unlimited theoretically but limited in practice to two wives only. ,The girTfe are said to be dedicated to gods in fulfifinent of vows and are, therefore, called Jogmis.

The marriage ceremony does not differ materially from that in vogue among the Kapus. At the wedding, and on the occasion of going round the Poh, the Velma bridegroom holds in his hands Brniak, the characteristic dagger of his caste. It is also said that in the case of the bridegroom being unavoidably absent, the dagger is regarded as his proxy an5 the girl is wedded to it, the marriage being afterwards regarded as, irrevocable. One usage, however, deserves special notice. In the marriage ceremonies of a Velma, the members of the Rachadlu family claim special privileges. Before a wedding a Rachadlu couple are invited and after being fed are presented with new clothes and their permission for the performance of the ceremony is solicited and obtained. The Maratha Velmas invite Waghes and Murlis at the commencement of the marriage ceremony, and feed them.

Widow-Marriage

Widow marriage, which prevails among the Naik and the Maratha Velmas, is not allowed by the Racha, Tarka- sati and Shikhamani Velmas. Amongst the former the widows are married by meagre rites. On the day when the match is settled the widow is presented with new bangles, a sari and a choli (bodice). On the wedding night the bridegroom ties a pusti round the neck of the bride in the presence of an assembly of widows. The garments of the bridal pair are then fastened in a knot, which forms the binding or essential portion of the ceremony.

Divorce

Divorce is only recognised by such sub-castes as ad- mit the remarriage of widows. The divorced woman is simply turned out of the house in the presence of the caste people.

Religion

The religion of the Velmas offers no points of spe- cial interest. They are either Tirmanidharis or Vibhutidharis, ac- knowledging Shri Vaishanava or Aradhi Brahmins as their spiritual guides respectively. Their patron deity is Narsinha Swami, worship- ped at the commencement of the marriage ceremony. Minor deities also receive due homage. Brahmins are employed for religious and ceremonial purposes. The adult dead are burnt, aildren below ten years of age and persons dying of cholera and small-pox are buiied. The Sradha ceremony is performed on the 11th day after death. ,

Occupation and Social Status — The Velmas claim the pro- fession of arms as their original occupation. They have now taken to agriculture and hold lands as tenants or sub-tenants. Many of them are agricultural day-labourers. A few are large land-holders and have risen to the importance of Patel, Jamedars and Jagirdars

In point of social standing the Velmas rank wjfh Kapus,'* Munnurs, &c., the Racha Velmas rzBik higher than Eko or Naik Velmas.

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