View source for Census India 1931: Literacy

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This article is an extract from <br/>
 
CENSUS OF INDIA, 1931<br/>
 
Report by<br/>
 
J. H. HUTTON, C.I.E., D.Sc., F.A.S.B., <br/>
 
Corresponding Member of the Anthropologische Gesselschaft of Vienna. <br/>
 
Delhi: Manager of Publications<br/>
 
1933<br/>
 
''(Hutton was the Census Commissioner for India) '' <br/>
 
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[[Category:Demography |L]]
=Literacy=
==Reference to statistics==
For the purposes of census literacy was defined as the ability to write a
letter and to read the answer to it, and the figures are therefore strictly comparable
with those from 1901 onwards. They exclude those who can read but not write,
of whom there is a considerable number, mostly Muslims able to read the Quran in
Arabic. Particulars of this latter class have been recorded in Baroda State where
they form 50 per mille of the population over 5 years old (males 32 females 18), but in
the rest of India the population has been divided into litera t e and illiterate, alleged
literates under the age of 5 being reckoned illiterate. T- ,3 vernacular script of
literacy was not generally recorded, and a reference to this point with such details
as are available will be found in the following chapter on Language. Literacy
in English was, as hitherto, recorded in a separate column. The general figures
of literacy will be found in Table XIII of part ii of this volume, Table XIV containing
figures by literacy for selected castes, while the main aspects of literacy
will be found more conveniently exhibited by proportional figures at the end of
this chapter.
==Increase since 1921==
The actual number of literates has increased since 1921 by 5,515,205
persons, that is by 24 . 4 per cent. as compared to the increase in the total population
of 10 . 6 per cent., and of 10 . 9 per cent. in the population enumerated by
literacy. The literates in 1921 numbered
22,623,651, that is 7 . 1 per cent. of the
total popul, 'on ; the actual increase of
literates ha. been 16 .3 per cent. of the
actual increase of population, so that there
has been an increase of literacy relative
to the total population in 1931 as compare but seeing that the total in, although literacy has increased appreciably faster than the population, the percentage correspondingly literate now is still not more than 8.0. 

The marginal table shows the percentage of increase in each province taking its number of literate 1921 as 100, and including in the provincial figures the figures of the states
in political relations with each. The
second table shows in the same way the
states which formed separate census units.
Excluding the Andamans and Nicobars,
where the decrease is due to the abandonment
of the penal settlement, the only unit showing a decrease is Aden. The
provinces in order of extent of literacy in 1921 were Burma, Bengal, Madras,
Bombay, Assam, Bihar and Orissa, North West Frontier Province, Central Provinces,
Punjab and the United Provinces. To some extent therefore, but by no
means consistently, most progress has been made where there was most room for
it. 

Bihar and Orissa proves an exception, while Burma and to a less extent Assam have increased more rapidly than some provinces with more room for expansion.
The order of literacy in the States and Agencies in 1921 was Travancore, Cochin,
Baroda, Mysore, Sikkim, Gwalior, Rajputana, Central India, Hyderabad, Jammu
and Kashmir, so that the same principle of an increase in literacy being most
usual where there is most need of it is still at work, though Cochin and to a less
extent Baroda are exceptional in a direction the reverse of Bihar and Orissa's.
If the increases in states are noticeably higher on the whole than in British India,
this is merely another instance of the same thing, as the states as a whole were
behind British India in literacy in 1921, though Travancore, Cochin and Baroda,
were ahead of all units but Burma. In considering the proportion of literacy to
the population, however, it is usual to exclude at least that part of the population
aged 0-5 years, and also that part of the population (3,078,460) not enumerated by literacy. The total population figure to be considered therefore with reference
to the figure of literacy is 296,294,029 (males 153,770,850, females 142,523,179)
and subsequent calculations will be based on that figure. 
[[File: growth of literacy.PNG ||frame|500px]]
[[File: growth of literacy1.PNG ||frame|500px]]
[[File: growth of literacy2.PNG ||frame|500px]]

The figures above
represent the actual variation of literates since 1921 in each of the units named, .
but the real variation of literacy can only be accurately estimated by the variation
of the ratio of literates to the population as a whole. A small increase in literates,
such as that of 1 per cent. in Sikkim may, and in that case does, represent an actual
decrease of literacy, which has failed to keep pace with a growth in population.
The marginal table therefore shows the numbers literate per mille of the total
population aged 5 and over, and of the corresponding male and female population
separately, in 1931 as compared to
1921. 

Subsidiary Table V shows the
growth per mille since 1901. Before that
the classification of literacy was into illiterate,
learning and literate, and in the diagram showing the growth of literacy
since 1881 those shown as " under instruction " in 1881 and as " learning " in 1891
have been excluded from the total taken as literate, the loss of those who were
under instruction but would in 1901 and after have been returned as ' literate '
is perhaps balanced at any rate in 1881 by the exclusion of the very large number
whose literacy or illiteracy was unspecified in the return and most of whom were
probably illiterate ; since 1901 the return has been literate ' or illiterate ' simply.
The diagram is also based on the figures per mille of the total population, not on
that aged 5 and over only. For the purpose of demonstrating growth the standard
taken is immaterial and age groups are lacking in the literacy table of 1881.
==Distribution of Literacy==
The literacy of different provinces is given by ratio per mille in Subsidiary
Table II at the end of this chapter, and its progress is illustrated in Subsidiary
Table V. It is also illustrated graphically in the accompanying diagram
[[File: 5 year and over literate.PNG ||frame|500px]]
based on the figures of provinces (British territory) and of major states. A warning
must here be given against certain figures in the Subsidiary Tables. The
exceptionally high figures for Baluchistan and the North-West Frontier Province
Agencies and Tribal Areas are entirely misleading, as they are calculated on a very small proportion of the population
consisting principally of troops and persons
living in cantonments or frontier posts
and having no reference at all to the real
inhabitants of the area to which they refer.
[[File: province state.PNG ||frame|500px]]
In the marginal table, the North-West
Frontier Province agencies are omitted
and the Baluchistan figures, British territory
and States together, are calculated
roughly on the whole population aged
5 and over instead of only on those enumerated
by literacy ; as however there are no
figures for the whole population of Baiuchistan
by age, the figure for those aged
five and over is only an estimate, and
Baluchistan is given credit in the accompanying
map for a somewhat higher rate.
In comparing these figures with those of
1921 some difficulltty ise reienxce in tahatt
the 1921 India Report gives no separate
figures for provincial states, whereas on
this occasion the figures for British India
have been separated from those of the states
in political relation with various provinces.
[[File: map of literate.PNG ||frame|500px]]
The marginal table shows the present positon
of literacy calculated per mine of the
population da g5ea nadn over foarl la r opvinces
and states, taking the sexes together.

This probably gives the truest impression
of the real distribution of literacy, as a
literacy which is confined to males is apt
to be of rather a special nature, and, except in those castes or classes in which male
literacy and learning is a natural heritage or a religious necessity, is apt to be a mere
economic implement—necessary to business, a means of livelihood, a political
weapon, or useful for intercourse with the external world, but of little value for its own sake. It is not perhaps until literacy becomes a domestic acquisition
taken for granted among members of both sexes, that it will cease to be regarded
as a mere doorway into government or other service and principally valued for its potentiality to that entry. 

The Census Superintendent of Cochin State
ascribes a definite falling off in the number both of institutions and of pupils
in the lower secondary and in the primary classes less to the general economic
depression than to a growing realisation that literacy is losing its economic
value as a qualification for a career. He points out that graduates of Madras
University join the Police Department on a salary of Rs. 10 to Rs. 12 per month
and are held fortunate in getting employment at all. On the other hand there
is no falling off in the higher secondary classes but a continued increase, which he
ascribes to such pupils having gone too far to withdraw. The falling off in
primary education he rightly regards as a bad sign, and he argues the necessity
of completely recasting the educational system. However that may be, the
distribution of male literacy shows some divergence from that of general literacy,
as may be seen in the accompanying diagram in which provinces and states are
arranged in order of general literacy but in which male and female literacy are
taken separately for graphic representation.

In the relative position of provinces and states in order of literacy there is little
change during the decade. Cochin State, in spite of a very rapid growth in population,
has been able to do more than keep pace with that growth, in spite of having
started with a very high ratio. Burma easily maintains her lead, for there literacy
even if not of a very high order, is a habit, traditional in both sexes and all classes,
both boys and girls being taught in the monasteries of which almost every Burman
village has at least one. No need perhaps for compulsory education here. In
India however it had been introduced by 1930 in 133 urban areas and in 3,137
rural areas of which 2,303 are in the Punjab, though apparently with no very
marked success.
==Literacy in Cities==
It is a commonplace that literacy is much more prevalent in towns than
in the country, as both the need for it and the opportunities of acquiring it are
greater. Thus an examination of the 34 cities tabulated in Table XIII shows
that of the total population the proportion literate per 1,000 is 348 males and 149
females as compared to 133 and 25 respectively in India as a whole. A reference
may also be made in this respect to the table in paragraph 41 of chapter H. There
is naturally a still greater contrast in literacy in English, the figures for the same
34 cities being 1,473 males literate in English per 10,000 of the total population
and 434 females, as compared to 181 and 23 respectively for the whole of India.
==Female Literacy==
The distribution of literacy among females has already been indicated
when dealing with the distribution of literacy generally, and a reference to the
diagram above will show that the extent of literacy among women is not necessarily
determined by its extent among
men, but is generally correlative though
much less in extent. 

It will also show the
comparative absence of female literacy
throughout India proper except in Kerala.
In the Bihar and Orissa States, to take
an extreme case, there is only one literate
female to every fifteen literate males, and
in Sikkim less than one to every twentytwo
;even in Burma there are 3 . 5 literate
males to every literate,female. In Kerala
and Baroda alone is the situation other
than in, the rest of India, for Cochin State
has more than one literate female to every
two literate males and Travancore only a
little less, while Malabar has nearly one
to every three, Coorg a little less than
one to every three, Baroda a little fewer
and Mysore one to every five. Cochin
now leads India in female literacy with
Travancore a fair second and Burma a
very close third. 
[[File: female literacy.PNG ||frame|500px]]
Comparative progress is illustrated in Subsidiary Table V at the end of this chapter, and the marginal table gives the crude numbers for the
larger provinces and states for 1921 and 1931, the figures of provinces being
in this case inclusive of the states in political relation with them. It shows
an increase of almost 50 per cent. against an increase of 11 .4 per cent. in the
female population enumerated by literacy, but the figures of female literacy are
still absurdly low. Besides the difficulty, still felt very strongly in most pro.
vinces, of getting good women teachers, one of the most serious obstacles to the
spread of female education is the early age of marriage, which causes girls to
be taken from school before they have reached even the standard of the
primary school leaving certificate. The report on Education in India in
1929-30 gives a table, reproduced in the margin, showing that of 1. 3 million girls in class I only 26 per cent. went on to
class II, of 311 thousand in class II only,
63 per cent. went on to class III, and of 183
thousand in class III only 58 per cent. went
on to class IV. 

The total wastage involved is
about 90 per cent. Here we are found in a
vicious circle, since the early age of marriages
prevents the growth of female literacy, while the absence of female literacy seems largely responsible for the absence of any general change in the early age of marriage.
Burma and the Malabar Coast are the two exceptions and in Cochin State
an increasing tendency is reported for women to seek careers of their own in preference
to marriage at all. For the extent of female literacy in different communitie''&-
and in different castes, a reference may be made to the marginal tables given
in paragraphs 140 and 141 below.
==Literacy by community==
[[File:litracy per male.PNG ||frame|500px]]
The accompanying diagram shows the number per mille literate in each
sex in the different main religions and in Burma. Owing to the tabulation's having been based on racial instead of  religious group in Burma the figures of literacy by religion are to this extend descripant with those of last census as the latter including Hindus Muslim etc, in Burma, whereas the present one are confined to India proper and the figures for Burma are not distinguished by religion except
in the case of Hindus and Muslims. This being so it has been thought better here
as elsewhere to show Burma as a single unit in the subsidiary tables in this chapter;
it is predominantly composed, of course, of Burmese Buddhists, and though figures
for Indian Hindus, Indian Muslims and other Indians will be found in Table XIII,
the general standard of literacy in Burma is determined by that of the Buddhist
Burmese. Taking the figures as a whole, the greatest progress has been made
by Sikhs, Jains, Muslims, and Hindus in that order, while Tribal, Parsis and Christians
have all declined in their proportion of literacy since 1921. The unexpected
decline among Parsis is confined to males and it is just possible that it can be
ascribed to the economic depression. The decline among both Christians and
Tribal is to be put down if not wholly at any rate in part, to the exclusion of Burma
figures, though it is also possible that the figures of Christians have suffered by the
inclusion of illiterate converts and those of Tribal by the return of literate tribesmen
as Hindus. 

The marginal table shows
the variations in the descending order of
total increase, but it will be noticed that this order is not always retained if the sexes are taken separately. Thus both Parsis
and Tribal show a slight increase in feminine
literacy in spite of the fall of literacy
on their whole pcipulation. Again Jains
although only second in the rate of growth
of general literacy come first in growth in
literacy among females, but are' behind both Hindus and Muslims in growth among males. The growth in Sikh literacy is noticeable, as they showed hardly
any increase at all in the preceding decade and the Census Superintendent of the
Punjab in 1921 wrote of their educational stagnation. This time they easily lead
in rate of increase except among women, where they are second to the Jains.
It is hardly necessary to point out that the high standard of literacy among
Parsis, Jews and Jains is partly due to the fact that they are mainly composed
of trading classes for whom literacy is essential, and that where literacy is so
ggeneral as it is among the Parsis, for instance, the rate of growth per mille is not
strictly comparable to the rate of growth in a comparatively illiterate community.
At the same time it is noteworthy that in Burma where the
prevalence of literacy is much greater than in any Indian communities except Parsis
and Jains the rate of increase should be as high as 51 per mille for the total population
and 50 and 53 for males and females respectively.
In considering literacy among the different communities it will perhaps be
useful to examine briefly their respective
position with regard to literacy of 20 years
and over, since such figures might .affect
any franchise Lased on literacy. 

The
marginal table gives the figures of literates
per male aged 20 and over by communities
for adults only of both sexes as cornpared
to the figure when the whole popula-
Lion over 5 years is considered. If females
alone be considered the difference
between the comparative figures is more
marked and the order they appear in is in
one case different, as Christians have a
higher proportion of literate females than
Jains have. Literacy figures by religion
and sex for the various provinces will
be found in Subsidiary Table III at
the end of this chapter. The following
table shows the number literate in British
territory in each province in each main
community per mille (1) of adults of the community concerned, (2) of all adults in the province :
[[File:hindu literacy.PNG ||frame|500px]]

It will be seen that under each community the left-hand column read downwards
shows the relative literacy of that community in the different provinces, while
the right hand columns read across show the proportions per 1,000 adults in each
province who are literate in each of the four communities. Tribal figures ate
shown in this table as, numerically at any rate, they age the fourth most important
community in India excluding Burma, while in literacy they are exceptionally
backward. In certain provinces however there are other communities of much
local importance. Thus in Bombay Parsis, aged 20 and over have 853 literates
per 1,000 of their own community and 4 per 1,000 of the adults in the province.
In the same province Jains have 391 literate of every 1,000 adults and very nearly
4 literate of every 1,000 adults in the province. Of every 1,000 literates in Bombay
Province 30 are Jams and 32 are Parsis. In the Punjab Sikhs have 110 literate
of every 1,000 adult, 15 literate in every
1,000 adults of the province, and 1 - 0 --,
literate in every 1,000 adults in India proper ;
of literate adults in the Punjab 200 in
every 1,000 are Sikhs. Literacy in Burma
has been tabulated by race, qualified in the
case of Indians by the differentiation of
Hindus and Muslims. 

The marginal table
shows the figures corresponding to those
in the table above for India. The difference
in literacy between Burma and India is very marked.
[[File: literacy rate in burma.PNG ||frame|500px]]
==literacy by Caste==
The two dozen castes and tribes shown in the marginal table arranged
in oerder of trotal liateracy pter meille indi cate
the extreme variation of literacy among different social or racial groups. It is
not possible to give more than a sample
here, and even the much larger number
appearing in Table XIV, where castes are
shown by literacy and by province, is
merely a brief selection by way of illustrating
the great divergence between the literacy
of different castes in India and between
the same castes in different provinces.

The proportionate figures for the same
castes are given with reference to
locality in subsidiary table V at the end
of this chapter where comparative figures
for 1921 are available. Those with a
high social status are not by any meats
always so high in order of literacy, though
of necessity the trading classes are always
high in male literacy, while the figures of feminine literacy do not necessarily
correspond at all to those of masculine, except that they are naturall y always
less than the latter in the same group ; only among the Baidhyas of Bengal and
Assam do they reach 50 per cent. of the male figure. The primitive tribes generally
are very low in the list except in Assam, where the Lushei show how literate an
isolated hill tribe may become when given the opportunity. The high literacy of the
Malabar Coast is exemplified in this list by the Nayars, but the high literacy
of that coast, and of Travancore and Cochin States, in particular, has influenced the
figures of some other castes including even those of the Paraiyans. As regards
literacy among exterior castes the proportion per mille literate in each provinee
and the total per mille literate in British provinces and in the States is shown in the marginal table ; in India as a whole the exterior castes
of Hinduism are a little
mitive tribes, but net very
better equipped than the primuch.

The details of the
castes contributing to the
marginal figures are different
in different provinces and.
are detailed in the appendix on the Exterior Castes at the end of this volume. The primitive tribes are very
many of them greatly handicapped in the acquisition of literacy by the faet that
they are so often given their primary education in a language which is not them
own. This is not the case in Assam, where the local vernacular is usuall y used in
primary schools in hill districts, a policy the results of which. are refiectcA in the
literacy of the Lusheis and Khasis ; if the Nagas are backward it is to he pot down
largely to the incredibly polyglot nature of their habitat where there are ac many
vernaculars in a small area: as will be found in the rest of India outside .A.ssam
and Burma. Generally however the policy seems to be to use the vernacular of
the adjacent plains for the primary instruction of hill tribes. and the bAckwa rdness
of the Santals, for instance, in literacy is attributed by Mr. P. O. Bolding,
the best authority on that tribe, to that policy. As regards tho difficulties in the
way of acquisition of literacy b y the depressed classes reference ma y he ruade to
Appendix I to this volume, on the Exterior Castes.
==Literacy by Area==
In any comparison between literacy in 1931 and in 1921 there is one
factor that has to be borne in mind which has already been examined in Chapter VI,
and that is the method of sorting by age. The number of literates at any given
year will not necessarily be proportional to the total number of that year living, and
when the years are grouped the upper limit of any group will contain a higher proportion
of literates than the lower until majority is reached. The method of sorting
therefore will exclude from the group 5 to 10 a certain number who have appeared
in that group in 1921. Some of these will be correctly excluded owing to
the preference for the digit 5 which then depleted in some degree the 4 year group in
favour of the higher age, but probably more than the correct number will be exclu,-
ded.

This matters little enough as far as real literacy is concerned, as literacy
at the age of 5 is only nominal, but the comparative values will suffer a little, the
actual position as compared to 1921 being really a little better than the bare figures
indicate. 

The comparable value of. the other figures of literacy by age will
similarly be slightly impaired in regard to 1921, but the total figure of literacy of
course only loses by the small number unduly excluded from the group 5-10 to the
group 0-5, and this number can probably be ignored for practical purposes. Subject
to this caution we may pro teed to compare the figures
of literacy at different ages.
The marginal table con -
A the figures per mille
for the different age groups
in 1921 and 1931. Except
for males aged 10-15 there
has in all groups 
marked increase particulaxly in the proportion of literate females. In the lowest age group the numbers
literate have doubled, and the loss in the 10-15 group is only 1 per mule in males,
females gaining by 6 per mille. In 1921 also it was this group which showed the
lowest ratio of increase over 1911. After group 5-10, group 15-20 shows the next
highest increase. 

It is this group which is usually regarded as most indicative of the
growth of literacy, and the lower ratio of the subsequent group is in accordance
with normal expectations. Obviously however this need not be necessarily
illiterate
permanently
the case, since once literacy becomes general the reduction in literacy
aged 20 and over will depend on the relative proportion , of literate to lliterate
deaths and on the extent to which literacy is lost. Generally speaking it seems
likely that the average literate leads a life less exposed to casual dangers than the
average illiterate does, while there is less tendency to lose literacy if its use is involved
in the calling pursued. 

It is perhaps natural therefore that among
Parsis, the most longlived community in India, and also one which is mostly engaged
in trade and unlikely to suffer from loss of literacy, the ratio of literacy should be
even higher above the age of 20 than it is from 15 to 20, and the same considerations
may explain the same phenomenon among male Jews. It is also to he seen however
among Burmese and among Indian Buddhists (vide Subsidiary Table I at the end
of this chapter), and the explanations suggested in the India Report 1911 do not
seem to account for this satisfactorily. Possibly the case of Burma is met by the
fact that literacy is general enough among males to prevent any excess in the ratio
literate from 15 to 20, but this explanation cannot be applied to Indian Buddhists.
==Literacy in English==
Literacy in English has increased, that is in ratio to the numbers of the
community, among all communities except Christians, where it has failed to keep
pace with the growth in numbers. Sikhs have shown the most rapid increase. having
very nearly doubled their ratio during the decade, the next highest proportional
increase being among Muslims. Subsidiary Table I shows the distribution of literacy
in English among communities, Subsidiary Table IV shows it by age, sex and
province, and gives comparative figures for 1921 and 1911. The proportional
figures are too small to show conveniently per 1,000, so figures of literacy in English
are given per 10,000 of the population aged 5 and over. The Parsis have 5,041,
Jews 2,636, Christians 919, Jains 306, Sikhs 151. Buddhists 119, Hindus
113, Muslims 92 and Tribal 4 persons literate in English in every 10,000 of their
population. As regards the provinces the figures are again deceptive unless read
with caution. The figures for Baluchistan are fictitious for the reasons given in
paragraph 137 above ; Delhi and Ajmer-Merwara show high figures on account
of the very high proportion of urban population. As pointed out in paragraph 138
above, literacy in English is particularly high in cities on account of the greater
opportunities for its acquisition and its greater economic value in use. 

The high figures of the Andamans and Nicobars are
also more or less artificial. Cochin State
really leads in literacy in English with 307 so
literate per 10,000 of her population aged 5
and over. Coorg follows with 238, Bengal
being third with 211. The next is Travancore
State with 158. The figures of literacy in
English by caste are interesting, as these
figures show some divergence from those for
vernacular literacy, and the marginal table
may be. compared with that given in paragraph
141 above.
[[File:literacy in eng.PNG ||frame|500px]]
==Literacy for Franchise==
It was suggested when the advent
of the Franchise Committee was at hand in
1931 that figures should be obtained at the
census of all persons who had reached the
leaving standard of primary schools, since
such statistics would be useful if any decision
were made to base the franchise on some
such qualification. 

It was however found
impossible to devise any uniform definition
of the necessary standard which could be applied to all provinces. Apart from this it is obvious that the possession of a school leaving certificate, or another of a similar description, applied as a test of
literacy would leave unqualified a large number of persons who are literate but
possess no such certificate. Some will have left school before such certificates were
given at all ; others will have neglected to sit for the examination ; others again will
have acquired literacy by private tuition, at a private institution, or in the course
of business. It is very doubtful therefore if such a test could conveniently be
made use of in determining the qualification for franchise. Many provinces and
states however did undertake an enquiry of this kind and the results are referred
to in the provincial reports..

It is perhaps worth while in this connection to reproduce here an interesting
paragraph from the Central Provinces Report. The Census Superintendent
writes :
"It seems proper, at a time when Franchise problems are claiming much attention, to place
on record some figures to show to what extent the various tribes, castes and communities of the
province are represented in' the local Legislative Council. The subjoined table gives those
figures :—
[[File: literacy in franchies.PNG ||frame|500px]]

The figures tell their own story. The note below recorded after the third Council explains
the tendencies, further rapid development of which is evident from the statistics of 1931. The
growth of the strength of the non-Brahmin party is obvious. The inadequate representation
of the aboriginal tribes is most striking.

The strongest elements purely from the point of view of caste are the Brahmins, Banias
and Marathas and Kunbis. Of these, the Maratha Brahmins and the Marathas and Bunbis
each represent communities closely bound by caste, customs and geographical distribution,
whilst " Other Brahmins " and " Banias " comprise a number of widely differing castes, in origin
mostly foreign to the province, and possessing no such common characteristic as would constitute
either of them distinct political entities. It will be noticed that Brahmins were most
strongly represented in the second Council when the Swarajists decided to participate in the
elections for the first time. The solidity of the Maratha Brahmin element will be realised when
it is stated that they then held 14 out of the 24 non-Muhammadan seats in the Berar and Nagpur
divisions. This number is now reduced to 8. The total number of Brahmins shows a heavy
fall from 29 in the second Council to 17 in the present Council, justifying the inference that a
political consciousness is being evoked in other communities. Even now, however, the higher
castes account for over two-thirds of the members elected from general constituencies, and the
only challenge, slight though it is, to their predominance, comes from the Maratha Bunbis who
have succeeded in increasing their numbers in the Council and reproduce a powerful element
in the electorate. Only one member of the depressed classes has been elected, and that in the
first Council when owing to the boycott there was little competition. The number of members
nominated from the depressed classes has been raised from two to four in the third Council, and
is made up of three Mahars and one Chamar." Mr. Shoobert has drawn attention to the inadequate representation of the aboriginal tribes. 

It should be explained that these tribes number over four million in
the Central Provinces and attached states, and form between 4 fifth and a quarter
of the total population, 1,969,214 being adherents of tribal religions while the
remainder were returned as Hindus or Christians, but mainly as Hindus.
==Comparison with returns of the Education Department==
Some comparison is necessary between the figures of literacy returned at
Education Depart- the census and the figures compiled by the Education Department showing the
number of schools, colleges and other
educational institutions, the pupils under 
instruction, and their proportion in differ-
ent provinces and communities in British
India. The departmental figures are taken
from Education in India, 1930-31. The
first marginal table therefore shows the
number of pupils in 1931 distributed
between the different communities and
their ratio per mille on the figures of the
same communities as obtained by the
census returns. 

These ratios may be corapared
with the ratio of literacy in the same
communities given above in paragraph 140.
For calculating the ratio of Buddhists,
Burmese have been taken as equivalent
to ' Buddhists ' in Burma. The exact ratio is uncertain as there are many
literate Shans and other Buddhists in Burma who are not included under the
term Burmese, and probably many illiterate also. In any case the number of the
Department's pupils in Burma bears little relation to vernacular literacy in that
province.

The second table below shows the number of institutions and the number
of pupils in them in 1921 and in 1931 and the percentage of variation :—
[[File: number of pupils.PNG ||frame|500px]]

It is to be noticed that 74 per cent. of the pupils are in primary schools,
a decline of 2 per cent. in the proportion of primary pupils during the decade,
so that the already unduly low proportion of primary to secondary education
appeared to be falling instead of rising. This aspect of the relation between
the two is indicated by the comparative rates of growth (vide Subsidiary Table
VII at the end of this chapter). While since 1901 the number of primary
schools has increased by 110 per cent., those of secondary schools have
increased by 151 per cent. and those of colleges by 71 per cent. ; again since
1921 the growth in the number of primary schools has been 28 per cent. only,
whereas secondary schools and colleges have increased by 51 per cent. and
44 per cent. respectively. This point is further emphasised by the statement
of expenditure. About half the money spent on education is contributed by
Government, and of-the whole amount, after the exclusion of Direction, Inspection,
Buildings, Universities, Boards, Special Schools, and Miscellaneous, we find that
Rs. 6,82,07,867 are spent on primary education as compared to Rs. 9,45,23,607 on
secondary. Admittedly primary education cannot be extended without spending
money on secondary education, but the sums spent on the latter and the number
of. pupils under secondary instruction appear disproportionately high in view of the large illiterate population. It has been estimated that about two-thirds of the
villages in India have no schools, and for the 500,000 census villages in British
territory the Education Department figures show little over 200,000 recognised
schools, while the addition of all unrecognised rural schools fails to bring the total to
230,000. 

The average cost per pupil in all recognised institutions worked out at just
over Rs. 23 for 1930, but a separate analysis of the cost of primary and secondary
pupils respectively gave Rs. 8-5-5 and Rs. 179-4-3 as the cost of each primary and
each secondary male pupil for that year, and Rs. 10-3-6 and Rs. 467-3-5 respectively
as the corresponding costs of each female pupil (vide Education in India, 1929-1930).
The high cost of girl pupils is no doubt due in a great degree to their comparative
paucity, and is to that extent unavoidable, but the figures do suggest that the
amount spent on secondary education is disproportionate to that spent on primary.
The reason is simple enough. As a result of the caste system there is an insistent
demand for education on the part of those castes who have been accustomed to look
to literacy to provide them with a livelihood, and their tendency under competition
is to demand higher education. On the other hand there is no widespread demand
among other castes for education at all, and this is illustrated by the tremendous
wastage in primary schools. This amounts to two-thirds of the total in the case of
boys and a great deal more than that in the case of girls, who are apt to leave
school when they are married.

This wastage again explains the inordinate excess of pupils shown by the
Education Department as
under instruction over the
numbers returned as -
literate aged 5-20 by the
census, which might have
been expected to show
some relation to the number
of pupils. The comparative
figures are shown
in the third marginal table,
which shows also for comparison
the number returned
at the census as literate,
20 years and over. These
figures may be regarded
perhaps as those of effective
literacy, which really
only begins at about 20
years, and if they appear
unduly low when compared
to the figures of pupils
under instruction, this must
be put down to the wastage already mentioned which involves a discard of at least
two-thirds of the primary pupils, that is of a half of the total number of pupils.
Burma is of course exceptional as most of her literacy is obtained in village monasteries
and not through the Education Department. 

The high figure of Delhi is no
doubt due in part to its being mainly an urban area and in part to the concentration
there of ministerial officers of Government and their families.
[[File: literate ajmer.PNG ||frame|500px]]

The Education Department consider that four years at School is required to
give permanent literacy, and that the number of literates turned out in any year can therefore be gauged by the number of 
pupils reading in Class IV in that year.
The marginal figures give their numbers
annually for the past decade, making a total
of 7,660,419. Of these persons it is considered
that at least 20% and possibly as
much as 25% would be found unfit for promotion,
that is to say they have not been
rendered permanently literate, so that almost
that portion of them may be regarded its having already relapsed into illiteracy
by 1931, resulting in a minimum estimate of 5,750,000 persons rendered literate in British India during the decade. Now the actual increase in the number of literates
ill British India since 1921 is 4,073,030 a
figure which is fairly comparable with the
Education Department's estimate when
allowance has been made both for the decrease
to be replaced among previous literates on account of their normal morality during the decade and for causalities among the new literates themselves.
The next marginal table, for comparison with the number of pupils per mile of population shown in the third, shows the number of pupils of the Exterior Castes and the ratio of literacy returned by members of these castes at the census. It should be explained that the departmental figures of depressed class pupils have been taken and the ratio per mille at school calculated on the census figures of the Exterior Castes for the various provinces shown.

It is possible that the actual castes treated as depressed or exterior do not entirely correspond, and although the castes treated as depressed or exterior do not entirely correspond, and although the differences is likely to be small, except perhaps in Bengal, where the figures include all “educationally backward’’ classes, the ratios must be treated with caution on this account. It should be added that the census figures for literacy in exterior castes are not quite complete as literacy figures were not available for about 8 percent.

Of those treated as exterior. The ratio however has been calculated on this remaining 92 percent., so that the small deficiency affects only the third column of the table.

The final table in this paragraph shows the number of the school for defectives and the number of pupils attending them according to the Education
Department's returns, together with the ratio of those under instruction
to the total number of blind and deafmute aged 0-20 as returned at the
census from each province possessing schools of this nature. In addition to the
schools shown in the statement there is a mission school for the blind at Rajpur, Dehra Dun, for which statistics are not available. The totals in the fourth and
seventh columns include certain figures for institutions or for pupils whose precise
classification as blind or deafmute is unknown. The percentage in the last three
columns suggest that the instruction provided by these schools for the defective
is virtually irrelevant.
[[File: percentage under instruction.PNG ||frame|500px]]
==Educated Unemployed==
In response to requests from several quarters it was decided to attempt at
the 1931 census to obtain figures of the educated unemployed generally believed to
be exceedingly high. The general schedule was already inconveniently crowded,
and as the return was intended to touch only those who were fully literate a separate
schedule was prepared to be filled in by the enumerated himself and not by the
enumerator. The instructions on the form employed stated that the information
was required in the interest of the public, of the State and of the unemployed themselves,
and it might have been anticipated that a general response would have been made to this effort to obtain information. 

The attempt was however a failure, as
though many forms were issued very few were filled in and returned to the enumerators,
and although some provinces and states obtained figures which they
considered were worth incorporating in their statistical tables, the results for India
as a whole were so unsatisfactory that the figures must have been misleading if
credited, and it was decided to omit them from part II of the India volume. Such
as they are, they are included in this chapter, but the degree of their probable
understatement may be inferred by a comparison of the figures with those
obtainable from the Education Department. The latter showed that there
were, in 1930, 25,716 candidates who passed for matriculation, 13,633 who passed
the Intermediate Arts or Science examination, 9,300 who passed examinations for
their B. A. or B. Sc., and 1,426 who passed examinations for their M. A. or M. Sc.,
a total of over 50.000 of whom over 10,000 were graduates, and the number of
graduates turned out annually in India from 1921 onwards has not been less than
7,000 and has at least twice been over 10,000, making over 55,000 graduates alone
between 1921 and 1930, apart from those who have failed to graduate ; in comparison
with this the 15,000 odd returned as unemployed, most of whom were only
matriculates, can hardly be regarded as affording a satisfactory explanation of the
outcry there is about the lack of employment for the educated or the vast number of
applications that are received for any vacancy for which some educational qualification
is necessary.
[[File: education unemploment.PNG ||frame|500px]]
[[File: education unemploment1.PNG ||frame|500px]]
The reasons given for the failure of the return were various. In Burma the
educated but unemployed are largely Indians and mostly to be found in Rangoon.

The reason given for their failure to make the return was that they feared use would
be made of it to repatriate to India those who were without employment. In
Bengal the reason alleged was a fear on the part of the unemployed bhadralok
that all that was wanted was a list of them for the police as political suspects,
while another rumour accused the Government of trying to win over the
unemployed from the congress party by false hopes of employment. In
Madras the attitude of the recipient of the unemployment schedule was described
as " You will not give me employment, why should I fill up your schedule ? " and
it seems likely that this feeling, together with a dislike of admitting failure to have
found employment and general apathy towards the census is to be taken as the
most common cause of the schedule's failure. This failure is not only indicative
of the uselessness of expecting to obtain a voluntary return of information failure
to comply with which involves no penalty, but a warning against attempts to collect
special information on separate schedules returned by the individual as distinct
from information collected by an enumerator who retains the schedule himself
throughout the proceedings.

In connection with educated unemployment and in explanation of what he
aptly labels the cacoethes matriculandi the Census Superintendent for Assam quotes
the following passage from a note written by Mr. Cunningham (many years Director
of Public Instruction in Assam) for the Calcutta University Commission in 1917,
and it is still true to-day :—

"There is a constant conflict in educational policy between the Government and people—
the one desiring to improve the standard of education, the other crying on behalf of
the hungry who are not fed, for the relaxation of standards and the wider spread of
education, good or bad The privileged classes do not take to commerce
or industry, the unprivileged follow the lead of the privileged. It has been said
that in these parts the social order is a despotism of caste tempered by matriculation.
It is only by matriculating and taking the part in the,after-life which has
been reserved for those who have matriculated that the lower castes can raise
themselves to consideration. It is only so that they can raise a representation
strong enough to fight for their social and political interests ; and it is only by
education that the privileged classes can qualify themselves to oppose effectively
the conservatism of Government. On both hands this literary education is what
every man desires. And if new ways are opened which lead to profit, the best
amongst the lower classes will still press forward, undiverted, to the university
unless the new employment is socially esteemed, and certificated by the fact that
the bhadralog compete for it. "

The Census Superintendent himself sums up the position as follows :—
" Matriculation has in fact assumed much the same importance in the social sphere as a
public school education has done in England. The ambition to ' make a gentleman
'of their son is not confined to the parents of the lower classes of any one
country and in Assam this takes the form of matriculation and a job which does
not involve manual labour. The respectability of a community in Assam, can, in
fact, be generally measured by the number of persons belonging to that community
who are in Government service. "